《舌尖上的中国》教学设计
内容介绍：中国饮食是中国传统文化与现代文化的结合，并且在较稳定的形态中也蕴含着动态的变化。通过对中国饮食的了解，同时也会对中国人的生活方式，生活理念，文化社会有更直观的了解。
适用年级：中级汉语学生
教学资源：《舌尖上的中国》纪录片；摘自网站 Asia Society的文章 Food in Chinese Culture；食谱。
具体目标：语言上，学生能够掌握与中国饮食有关的词汇、句子，最终能够用汉语描述如何做一道简单的菜。
文化上，学生能够理解饮食在中国人心目中的分量，以及中国饮食的特点。并能与本国的饮食文化进行对比，从而对两个国家的文化都有进一步了解。
过程描述：引入：询问学生最喜欢的一道中国菜是什么，以及听说过的最可怕的中国菜是什么，以及你觉得中国人为什么吃它。可以小组讨论，交流彼此的经验。
主要内容：先介绍语言点，使学生可以理解之后材料中的生词。利用英语文章资料，介绍中国的饮食文化，并观看《舌尖上的中国》纪录片。分小组，总结出学生认为的中国饮食的特点。
课堂活动：选择老师发下去的食谱中自己喜欢的一道菜，描述给其他学生听。要说说自己为什么喜欢它，这道菜是如何做的。
总结：老师总结学生讨论的结果对学生学习成果进行评价。
评价总结：中国饮食在中国文化中占有很重要的地位，学生对饮食也有较浓厚的兴趣，通过英语文章的介绍，学生对中国饮食文化有了进一步了解，《舌尖上的中国》纪录片，给了他们直观的认识。小组讨论活动，彼此可以交流各自的意见，达到了语言的交际效果。课堂活动让学生有机会表达自己的意见并得到其他同学和老师的反馈。师生互动和生生互动达到了良好的效果。
学习建议：《舌尖上的中国》纪录片需要老师给予一定的讲解。
对于食谱的描述，重要的是语言点的运用。
引发学生关于健康饮食的思考。
其他： 附课堂材料。
附件一：Food in Chinese Culture
According to K. C. Chang, the editor of Food in Chinese Culture, few other cultures are as food oriented as the Chinese.
by K.C. Chang
The importance of food in understanding human culture lies precisely in its infinite variability–variability that is not essential for species survival. For survival needs, people everywhere could eat the same food, to be measured only in calories, fats, carbohydrates, proteins, and vitamins. But people of different backgrounds eat very differently. The basic stuffs from which food is prepared; the ways in which it is preserved, cut up, cooked (if at all); the amount and variety at each meal; the tastes that are liked and disliked; the customs of serving food; the utensils; the beliefs about the food’s properties–these all vary. The number of such “food variables” is great.
An anthropological approach to the study of food would be to isolate and identify the food variables, arrange these variables systematically, and explain why some of these variables go together or do not go together.
For convenience, we may use culture as a divider in relating food variables’ hierarchically. I am using the word culture here in a classificatory sense implying the pattern or style of behavior of a group of people who share it. Food habits may be used as an important, or even determining, criterion in this connection. People who have the same culture share the same food habits, that is, they share the same assemblage of food variables. Peoples of different cultures share different assemblages of food variables. We might say that different cultures have different food choices. (The word choices is used here not necessarily in an active sense, granting the possibility that some choices could be imposed rather than selected.) Why these choices? What determines them? These are among the first questions in any study of food habits.
Within the same culture, the food habits are not at all necessarily homogeneous. In fact, as a rule they are not. Within the same general food style, there are different manifestations of food variables of a smaller range, for different social situations. People of different social classes or occupations eat differently. People on festive occasions, in mourning, or on a daily routine eat again differently. Different religious sects have different eating codes. Men and women, in various stages of their lives, eat differently. Different individuals have different tastes. Some of these differences are ones of preference, but others may be downright prescribed. Identifying these differences, explaining them, and relating them to other facets of social life are again among the tasks of a serious scholar of food.
Finally, systematically articulated food variables can be laid out in a time perspective, as in historical periods of varying lengths. We see how food habits change and seek to explore the reasons and consequences.
My own generalizations pertain above all to the question: What characterizes Chinese food? . . . I see the following common themes:
The food style of a culture is certainly first of all determined by the natural resources that are available for its use. . . . It is thus not surprising that Chinese food is above all characterized by an assemblage of plants and animals that grew prosperously in the Chinese land for a long time. A detailed list would be out of place here, and quantitative data are not available. The following enumeration is highly impressionistic:
Spices: red pepper, ginger, garlic, spring onion, cinnamon.
Chinese cooking is, in this sense, the manipulation of these foodstuffs as basic ingredients. Since ingredients are not the same everywhere, Chinese food begins to assume a local character simply by virtue of the ingredients it uses. Obviously ingredients are not sufficient for characterization, but they are a good beginning. Compare, for example, the above list with one in which dairy products occupy a prominent place, and one immediately comes upon a significant contrast between the two food traditions.
One important point about the distinctive assemblage of ingredients is its change through history. Concerning food, the Chinese are not nationalistic to the point of resisting imports. In fact, foreign foodstuffs have been readily adopted since the dawn of history. Wheat and sheep and goats were possibly introduced from western Asia in prehistoric times, many fruits and vegetables came in from central Asia during the Han and the T’ang periods, and peanuts and sweet potatoes from coastal traders during the Ming period. These all became integral ingredients of Chinese food. At the same time,. . . milk and dairy products, to this date, have not taken a prominent place in Chinese cuisine.
In the Chinese culture, the whole process of preparing food from raw ingredients to morsels ready for the mouth involves a complex of interrelated variables that is highly distinctive when compared with other food traditions of major magnitude. At the base of this complex is the division between fan, grains and other starch foods, and ts’ai, vegetable and meat dishes. To prepare a balanced meal, it must have an appropriate amount of both rice or noodle product and meat and vegetables, and ingredients are readied along both tracks. Grains are cooked whole or as flour, making up the fan half of the meal in various forms: fan (in the narrow sense, “cooked rice”), steamed wheat-, millet-, or corn-flour bread, ping (“pancakes”), and noodles. Vegetables and meats are cut up and mixed in various ways into individual dishes to constitute the ts’ai half. Even in meals in which the staple starch portion and the meat-and-vegetable portion are apparently joined together, such as in . . . “wonton” . . . they are in fact put together but not mixed up, and each still retains its due proportion and own distinction.
For the preparation of cai, or dishes, the use of multiple ingredients and the mixing of flavors are the rules, which above all means that ingredients are usually cut up and not done whole, and that they are variously combined into individual dishes of vastly differing flavors. Pork for example, may be diced, slice shredded, or ground, and when combined with other meats and with various vegetable ingredients and spice produces dishes of utterly diverge, shapes, flavors, colors, tastes, and aromas.
The parallelism of fan and cai and the above-described principles of cai preparation account for a number (other features of the Chinese food culture, especially in the area of utensil To begin with, there are fan utensils and ts’ai utensils, both for cooking an for serving. In the modem kitchen, fan guo (“rice cooker”) and cai kuo (“wok”) are very different and as a rule not interchangeable utensils. . . . To prepare the kind of ts’ai that we have characterized, the chopping knife or cleaver and the chopping anvil are standard equipment in every Chinese kitchen, ancient and modern. To sweep the cooked grains into the mouth, and to serve the cut-up morsel of the meat-and vegetable dishes chopsticks have proved more service able than hands or other instruments (such as spoons and forks, the former being used in China alongside the chopsticks).
This complex of interrelated features of Chinese food may be described, for the purpose of shorthand reference, as the Chinese fan-ts’ai principle. Send a Chinese cook into an American kitchen, given Chinese or American ingredients, and he or she will (a) prepare an adequate amount of fan, (b) cut up the ingredients and mix them up in various combinations, and (c) cook the ingredients into several dishes and, perhaps, a soup. Given the right ingredients, the “Chineseness” of the meal would increase, but even with entirely native American ingredients and cooked in American utensils, it is still a Chinese meal.
The above example shows that the Chinese way of eating is characterized by a notable flexibility and adaptability. Since a cai dish is made of a mixture of ingredients, its distinctive appearance, taste, and flavor do not depend on the exact number of ingredients, nor, in most cases, on any single item. The same is true for a meal, made up of a combination of dishes. In times of affluence, a few more expensive items may be added, but if the times are hard they may be omitted without doing irreparable damage. If the season is not quite right, substitutes may be used. With the basic principles, a Chinese cook can prepare “Chinese” dishes for the poor as well as the rich, in times of scarcity as well as abundance, and even in a foreign country without many familiar ingredients. The Chinese way of cooking must have helped the Chinese people through some hard times throughout their history. And, of course, one may also say that the Chinese cook the way they do because of their need and desire for adaptability.
This adaptability is shown in at least two other features. The first is the amazing knowledge the Chinese have acquired about their wild plant resources. . . . The Chinese peasants apparently know every edible plant in their environment, and plants there are many. Most do not ordinarily belong on the dinner table, but they may be easily adapted for consumption in time of famine. . . . Here again is this flexibility: A smaller number of familiar foodstuffs are used ordinarily, but, if needed, a greater variety of wild plants would be made use of. The knowledge of these “famine plants” was carefully handed down as a living culture -apparently this knowledge was not placed in dead storage too long or too often.
Another feature of Chinese food habits that contributed to their notable adaptability is the large number and great variety of preserved foods. . . . Food is preserved by smoking, salting, sugaring, steeping, pickling, drying, soaking in many kinds of soy sauces, and so forth, and the whole range of foodstuffs is involved-grains, meat, fruit, eggs, vegetables, and everything else. Again, with preserved food, the Chinese people were ever ready in the event of hardship or scarcity.
The Chinese way of eating is further characterized by the ideas and beliefs about food, which actively affect the ways . . . in which food is prepared and taken. The overriding idea about food in China -in all likelihood an idea with solid, but as yet unrevealed, scientific backing-is that the kind and the amount of food one takes is intimately relevant to one’s health. Food not only affects health as a matter of general principle, the selection of the right food at any particular time must also be dependent upon one’s health condition at that time. Food, therefore, is also medicine. The regulation of diet as a disease preventive or cure is certainly as Western as it is Chinese. Common Western examples are the diet for arthritics and the recent organic food craze. But the Chinese case is distinctive for its underlying principles. The bodily functions, in the Chinese view, follow the basic yin-yang principles. Many foods are also classifiable into those that possess the yin quality and those of the yang quality. When yin and yang forces in the body are not balanced, problems result. Proper amounts of food of one kind or the other may then be administered (i.e., eaten) to counterbalance the yin and yang disequilibrium. If the body is normal, overeating of one kind of food would result in an excess of that force in the body, causing diseases.
At least two other concepts belong to the native Chinese food tradition. One is that, in consuming a meal, appropriate amounts of both fan and ts’ai should be taken. In fact, of the two, fan is the more fundamental and indispensable. . . . The other concept is frugality. Overindulgence in food and drink is a sin of such proportions that dynasties could fall on its account. . . . Although both the fants’ai and the frugality considerations are health based, at least in part they are related to China’s traditional poverty in food resources.
Finally, perhaps the most important aspect of the Chinese food culture is the importance of food itself in Chinese culture. That Chinese cuisine is the greatest in the world is highly debatable and is essentially irrelevant. But few can take exception to the statement that few other cultures are as food oriented as the Chinese. And this orientation appears to be as ancient as Chinese culture itself. According to Lun yu (Confucian Analects, chap. “Wei Ling Kung”), when the duke Ling of Wei asked Confucius (551-479 B.C.) about military tactics, Confucius replied, “I have indeed heard about matters pertaining to tsu (meat stand) and tou (meat platter), but I have not learned military matters.” Indeed, perhaps one of the most important qualifications of a Chinese gentleman was his knowledge and skill pertaining to food and drink. . . . The importance of the kitchen in the king’s palace is amply shown in the personnel roster recorded in Chou li. Out of the almost four thousand persons who had the responsibility of running the king’s residential quarters, 2,271, or almost 60 percent, of them handled food and wine.
What these specialists tended to were not just the king’s palate pleasures: eating was also very serious business. In I li, the book that describes various ceremonies, food cannot be separated from ritual. . . . [In] Zhou texts [12th century B.C.E. – 221 B.C.E.] references were made of the use of the ding cauldron, a cooking vessel, as the prime symbol of the state. I cannot feel more confident to say that the ancient Chinese were among the peoples of the world who have been particularly preoccupied with food and eating. Furthermore, as Jacques Gernet has stated, “there is no doubt that in this sphere China has shown a greater inventiveness than any other civilization.”2
1 Lau, D.C., trans. Mencius (Harmondworth, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books. 1970), p, 161.
2 Jacques Gernet, Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion 1250-76
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962), p. 135.
Adapted from Food in Chinese Culture: Anthropological and Historical Perspectives by K.C. Chang (Yale University Press, 1977). Reprinted with permission from Yale University Press.
放映: 给学生看一段影片/纪录片/广告，为了给他们介绍中国饮食文化。(最好给他们看”Bizarre Foods with Andrew Zimmerman”或”No Reservations with Anthony Bourdain”的关于走遍中国尝一尝有意思的饮食)好好找谈到中国五味和当地特菜的饮食文化方面、现象。
郑涵宁
7/18/2013
中国文化专题
《舌尖上的中国》教学设计
内容介绍：中国饮食是中国传统文化与现代文化的结合，并且在较稳定的形态中也蕴含着动态的变化。通过对中国饮食的了解，同时也会对中国人的生活方式，生活理念，文化社会有更直观的了解。
适用年级：中级汉语学生
教学资源：《舌尖上的中国》纪录片；摘自网站 Asia Society的文章 Food in Chinese Culture；食谱。
具体目标：语言上，学生能够掌握与中国饮食有关的词汇、句子，最终能够用汉语描述如何做一道简单的菜。
文化上，学生能够理解饮食在中国人心目中的分量，以及中国饮食的特点。并能与本国的饮食文化进行对比，从而对两个国家的文化都有进一步了解。
过程描述：引入：询问学生最喜欢的一道中国菜是什么，以及听说过的最可怕的中国菜是什么，以及你觉得中国人为什么吃它。可以小组讨论，交流彼此的经验。
主要内容：先介绍语言点，使学生可以理解之后材料中的生词。利用英语文章资料，介绍中国的饮食文化，并观看《舌尖上的中国》纪录片。分小组，总结出学生认为的中国饮食的特点。
课堂活动：选择老师发下去的食谱中自己喜欢的一道菜，描述给其他学生听。要说说自己为什么喜欢它，这道菜是如何做的。
总结：老师总结学生讨论的结果对学生学习成果进行评价。
评价总结：中国饮食在中国文化中占有很重要的地位，学生对饮食也有较浓厚的兴趣，通过英语文章的介绍，学生对中国饮食文化有了进一步了解，《舌尖上的中国》纪录片，给了他们直观的认识。小组讨论活动，彼此可以交流各自的意见，达到了语言的交际效果。课堂活动让学生有机会表达自己的意见并得到其他同学和老师的反馈。师生互动和生生互动达到了良好的效果。
学习建议：《舌尖上的中国》纪录片需要老师给予一定的讲解。
对于食谱的描述，重要的是语言点的运用。
引发学生关于健康饮食的思考。
其他： 附课堂材料。
附件一：Food in Chinese Culture
According to K. C. Chang, the editor of Food in Chinese Culture, few other cultures are as food oriented as the Chinese.
by K.C. Chang
The importance of food in understanding human culture lies precisely in its infinite variability–variability that is not essential for species survival. For survival needs, people everywhere could eat the same food, to be measured only in calories, fats, carbohydrates, proteins, and vitamins. But people of different backgrounds eat very differently. The basic stuffs from which food is prepared; the ways in which it is preserved, cut up, cooked (if at all); the amount and variety at each meal; the tastes that are liked and disliked; the customs of serving food; the utensils; the beliefs about the food’s properties–these all vary. The number of such “food variables” is great.
An anthropological approach to the study of food would be to isolate and identify the food variables, arrange these variables systematically, and explain why some of these variables go together or do not go together.
For convenience, we may use culture as a divider in relating food variables’ hierarchically. I am using the word culture here in a classificatory sense implying the pattern or style of behavior of a group of people who share it. Food habits may be used as an important, or even determining, criterion in this connection. People who have the same culture share the same food habits, that is, they share the same assemblage of food variables. Peoples of different cultures share different assemblages of food variables. We might say that different cultures have different food choices. (The word choices is used here not necessarily in an active sense, granting the possibility that some choices could be imposed rather than selected.) Why these choices? What determines them? These are among the first questions in any study of food habits.
Within the same culture, the food habits are not at all necessarily homogeneous. In fact, as a rule they are not. Within the same general food style, there are different manifestations of food variables of a smaller range, for different social situations. People of different social classes or occupations eat differently. People on festive occasions, in mourning, or on a daily routine eat again differently. Different religious sects have different eating codes. Men and women, in various stages of their lives, eat differently. Different individuals have different tastes. Some of these differences are ones of preference, but others may be downright prescribed. Identifying these differences, explaining them, and relating them to other facets of social life are again among the tasks of a serious scholar of food.
Finally, systematically articulated food variables can be laid out in a time perspective, as in historical periods of varying lengths. We see how food habits change and seek to explore the reasons and consequences.
My own generalizations pertain above all to the question: What characterizes Chinese food? . . . I see the following common themes:
The food style of a culture is certainly first of all determined by the natural resources that are available for its use. . . . It is thus not surprising that Chinese food is above all characterized by an assemblage of plants and animals that grew prosperously in the Chinese land for a long time. A detailed list would be out of place here, and quantitative data are not available. The following enumeration is highly impressionistic:
Starch Staples: millet, rice, kao-liang, wheat, maize, buckwheat, yam, sweet potato.
Legumes: soybean, broad bean, peanut, mung bean.
Vegetables: malva, amaranth, Chinese cabbage, mustard green, turnip, radish, mushroom.
Fruits: peach, apricot, plum, apple, jujube date, pear, crab apple, mountain haw, longan, litchi, orange.
Meats: pork, dog, beef, mutton, venison, chicken, duck, goose, pheasant, many fishes.
Spices: red pepper, ginger, garlic, spring onion, cinnamon.
Chinese cooking is, in this sense, the manipulation of these foodstuffs as basic ingredients. Since ingredients are not the same everywhere, Chinese food begins to assume a local character simply by virtue of the ingredients it uses. Obviously ingredients are not sufficient for characterization, but they are a good beginning. Compare, for example, the above list with one in which dairy products occupy a prominent place, and one immediately comes upon a significant contrast between the two food traditions.
One important point about the distinctive assemblage of ingredients is its change through history. Concerning food, the Chinese are not nationalistic to the point of resisting imports. In fact, foreign foodstuffs have been readily adopted since the dawn of history. Wheat and sheep and goats were possibly introduced from western Asia in prehistoric times, many fruits and vegetables came in from central Asia during the Han and the T’ang periods, and peanuts and sweet potatoes from coastal traders during the Ming period. These all became integral ingredients of Chinese food. At the same time,. . . milk and dairy products, to this date, have not taken a prominent place in Chinese cuisine.
In the Chinese culture, the whole process of preparing food from raw ingredients to morsels ready for the mouth involves a complex of interrelated variables that is highly distinctive when compared with other food traditions of major magnitude. At the base of this complex is the division between fan, grains and other starch foods, and ts’ai, vegetable and meat dishes. To prepare a balanced meal, it must have an appropriate amount of both rice or noodle product and meat and vegetables, and ingredients are readied along both tracks. Grains are cooked whole or as flour, making up the fan half of the meal in various forms: fan (in the narrow sense, “cooked rice”), steamed wheat-, millet-, or corn-flour bread, ping (“pancakes”), and noodles. Vegetables and meats are cut up and mixed in various ways into individual dishes to constitute the ts’ai half. Even in meals in which the staple starch portion and the meat-and-vegetable portion are apparently joined together, such as in . . . “wonton” . . . they are in fact put together but not mixed up, and each still retains its due proportion and own distinction.
For the preparation of cai, or dishes, the use of multiple ingredients and the mixing of flavors are the rules, which above all means that ingredients are usually cut up and not done whole, and that they are variously combined into individual dishes of vastly differing flavors. Pork for example, may be diced, slice shredded, or ground, and when combined with other meats and with various vegetable ingredients and spice produces dishes of utterly diverge, shapes, flavors, colors, tastes, and aromas.
The parallelism of fan and cai and the above-described principles of cai preparation account for a number (other features of the Chinese food culture, especially in the area of utensil To begin with, there are fan utensils and ts’ai utensils, both for cooking an for serving. In the modem kitchen, fan guo (“rice cooker”) and cai kuo (“wok”) are very different and as a rule not interchangeable utensils. . . . To prepare the kind of ts’ai that we have characterized, the chopping knife or cleaver and the chopping anvil are standard equipment in every Chinese kitchen, ancient and modern. To sweep the cooked grains into the mouth, and to serve the cut-up morsel of the meat-and vegetable dishes chopsticks have proved more service able than hands or other instruments (such as spoons and forks, the former being used in China alongside the chopsticks).
This complex of interrelated features of Chinese food may be described, for the purpose of shorthand reference, as the Chinese fan-ts’ai principle. Send a Chinese cook into an American kitchen, given Chinese or American ingredients, and he or she will (a) prepare an adequate amount of fan, (b) cut up the ingredients and mix them up in various combinations, and (c) cook the ingredients into several dishes and, perhaps, a soup. Given the right ingredients, the “Chineseness” of the meal would increase, but even with entirely native American ingredients and cooked in American utensils, it is still a Chinese meal.
The above example shows that the Chinese way of eating is characterized by a notable flexibility and adaptability. Since a cai dish is made of a mixture of ingredients, its distinctive appearance, taste, and flavor do not depend on the exact number of ingredients, nor, in most cases, on any single item. The same is true for a meal, made up of a combination of dishes. In times of affluence, a few more expensive items may be added, but if the times are hard they may be omitted without doing irreparable damage. If the season is not quite right, substitutes may be used. With the basic principles, a Chinese cook can prepare “Chinese” dishes for the poor as well as the rich, in times of scarcity as well as abundance, and even in a foreign country without many familiar ingredients. The Chinese way of cooking must have helped the Chinese people through some hard times throughout their history. And, of course, one may also say that the Chinese cook the way they do because of their need and desire for adaptability.
This adaptability is shown in at least two other features. The first is the amazing knowledge the Chinese have acquired about their wild plant resources. . . . The Chinese peasants apparently know every edible plant in their environment, and plants there are many. Most do not ordinarily belong on the dinner table, but they may be easily adapted for consumption in time of famine. . . . Here again is this flexibility: A smaller number of familiar foodstuffs are used ordinarily, but, if needed, a greater variety of wild plants would be made use of. The knowledge of these “famine plants” was carefully handed down as a living culture -apparently this knowledge was not placed in dead storage too long or too often.
Another feature of Chinese food habits that contributed to their notable adaptability is the large number and great variety of preserved foods. . . . Food is preserved by smoking, salting, sugaring, steeping, pickling, drying, soaking in many kinds of soy sauces, and so forth, and the whole range of foodstuffs is involved-grains, meat, fruit, eggs, vegetables, and everything else. Again, with preserved food, the Chinese people were ever ready in the event of hardship or scarcity.
The Chinese way of eating is further characterized by the ideas and beliefs about food, which actively affect the ways . . . in which food is prepared and taken. The overriding idea about food in China -in all likelihood an idea with solid, but as yet unrevealed, scientific backing-is that the kind and the amount of food one takes is intimately relevant to one’s health. Food not only affects health as a matter of general principle, the selection of the right food at any particular time must also be dependent upon one’s health condition at that time. Food, therefore, is also medicine. The regulation of diet as a disease preventive or cure is certainly as Western as it is Chinese. Common Western examples are the diet for arthritics and the recent organic food craze. But the Chinese case is distinctive for its underlying principles. The bodily functions, in the Chinese view, follow the basic yin-yang principles. Many foods are also classifiable into those that possess the yin quality and those of the yang quality. When yin and yang forces in the body are not balanced, problems result. Proper amounts of food of one kind or the other may then be administered (i.e., eaten) to counterbalance the yin and yang disequilibrium. If the body is normal, overeating of one kind of food would result in an excess of that force in the body, causing diseases.
At least two other concepts belong to the native Chinese food tradition. One is that, in consuming a meal, appropriate amounts of both fan and ts’ai should be taken. In fact, of the two, fan is the more fundamental and indispensable. . . . The other concept is frugality. Overindulgence in food and drink is a sin of such proportions that dynasties could fall on its account. . . . Although both the fants’ai and the frugality considerations are health based, at least in part they are related to China’s traditional poverty in food resources.
Finally, perhaps the most important aspect of the Chinese food culture is the importance of food itself in Chinese culture. That Chinese cuisine is the greatest in the world is highly debatable and is essentially irrelevant. But few can take exception to the statement that few other cultures are as food oriented as the Chinese. And this orientation appears to be as ancient as Chinese culture itself. According to Lun yu (Confucian Analects, chap. “Wei Ling Kung”), when the duke Ling of Wei asked Confucius (551-479 B.C.) about military tactics, Confucius replied, “I have indeed heard about matters pertaining to tsu (meat stand) and tou (meat platter), but I have not learned military matters.” Indeed, perhaps one of the most important qualifications of a Chinese gentleman was his knowledge and skill pertaining to food and drink. . . . The importance of the kitchen in the king’s palace is amply shown in the personnel roster recorded in Chou li. Out of the almost four thousand persons who had the responsibility of running the king’s residential quarters, 2,271, or almost 60 percent, of them handled food and wine.
What these specialists tended to were not just the king’s palate pleasures: eating was also very serious business. In I li, the book that describes various ceremonies, food cannot be separated from ritual. . . . [In] Zhou texts [12th century B.C.E. – 221 B.C.E.] references were made of the use of the ding cauldron, a cooking vessel, as the prime symbol of the state. I cannot feel more confident to say that the ancient Chinese were among the peoples of the world who have been particularly preoccupied with food and eating. Furthermore, as Jacques Gernet has stated, “there is no doubt that in this sphere China has shown a greater inventiveness than any other civilization.”2
1 Lau, D.C., trans. Mencius (Harmondworth, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books. 1970), p, 161.
2 Jacques Gernet, Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion 1250-76
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962), p. 135.
Adapted from Food in Chinese Culture: Anthropological and Historical Perspectives by K.C. Chang (Yale University Press, 1977). Reprinted with permission from Yale University Press.
王曙光
张禹老师
CHIN6580 中国文化专题
07/18/13
教学设计 3
中国的“流行文化热词”:中国式的反思
–介绍一种中国流行文化现象的实验性教案
设计理念 对外汉语教学工作者无疑肩负着教汉语和介绍中国文化的双重职责。文化教
学自然成了外语教学的一个重要组成部分。从容易引起青年学生的兴趣、共
鸣、接受这一特点来看，流行文化作为中国文化中通俗的一面应该是汉语课
堂上文化教学内容的一部分。
内容介绍 当代中国流行的“文化热词” ，网络词，从英语翻译过来的热词
适用年级 在美国学习汉语的二、三年级的大学生
教学资源 网络和实际生活材料
具体目标
1. 让学生掌握汉语中新出现的一些文化热词并理解其语义 （“中国好声音”“舌尖上的中国”，“中国式”，“XXstyle”等等）
2. 给学生介绍一些常见的网络词及其文化内涵 （“高富帅，白富美”，“矮矬穷”， “你幸福吗”， “不差钱”,”杯具啊”,等等）
3. 让学生分析出从英文译成中文的新词所可能包含的中国文化内容 （“wonderful—碗豆腐”，“strong—死壮”，“ambulance—俺不能死”，“ambition—俺比胜”， “bachelor—白痴了”等等）
4.让学生掌握一个基本句型：你听说过xx这个词吗？/你有没有听说过……？
5. 培养学生在讨论中运用交际用语的能力，提高学生的口语水平。
学生通过对这些词语和句型的学习对中国流行文化能有进一步的认识和了解，从而在教学工作中反应对称语言教学中跨文化交际的目的。
重点难点 1. 知识与技能上：词、词汇、习用语；句型
2. 过程与方法上：话语计划中的单项训练；交际讨论法
板书设计
设计意图：这堂课是我设计的上堂《舌尖上的中国》文化课接下来的一节话题课，从学生刚讨论过的问题出发营造新的不同的教学情境，引导学生继续探究相关的文化问题。
教学、板书结构：
“舌尖上的中国”—文化热词
让学生写上他们知道的文化热词
我想向学生介绍的新的文化热词
流行的网络词和词语
英文翻译成中文的热词
你听说过xx词吗？你有没有听说过xxx？
过程描述
教学准备：单词卡片；中国网络图片，衔接；电脑等等
活动时间：60分钟
教学策略：从学生的背景知识中引出所学内容， 由浅入深，师生互动， 生生互动
教学过程：
（一） 引起动机，导入话题：从学生们的背景知识和已经知道的“舌尖上的中国”这个热词着手引发后面的学习和讨论的话题 （设计意图:集中学生注意力，激发兴趣，复习巩固所学过的词汇和用语， 为这节课下面要讨论的话题和问题做好铺垫）
例子：老师问：我们上堂课刚看了纪录片《舌尖上的中国》。如果一个中国人说话中用“舌尖上的中国”这个热词，那会是个什么样的意思呢？在什么时候用这个词呢？怎么用呢？你们的母语中有没有类似的词语？可问某些学生：你听说过“舌尖上的中国”吗？然后问别的学生：你呢？
你们知道有哪些英文单词的中译？
你们还知道哪些网络上常用的词、词组或句子？
（二）发展活动：对所教和所学新词和词语进行听说训练
活动一：老师说“流行词”，学生找图片；
老师指图片， 学生说“流行词”等
活动二：给学生一个生活或会话情景， 让他们选择并说出可以用哪 个热词去描绘那个具体的情景。
活动三：给学生一些网络图片，让他们说出与图片相对应的热词。
活动三：给学生一个生活或会话情景， 让他们选择并说出可以用哪个热词去描绘那个具体的情景。
活动四：让学生们抽选一个英文词，并每人试把此英文词翻译成中文词，让全班评比，看谁的翻译最有意思。
（三）讨论扩展：选段播放小品《xxx》，
分组讨论问题：
1. 在小品中， 你听到了哪些我们刚讨论过的文化热词？
2. 你们还知道哪些别的中国“流行文化”？
3. 你怎么看待“流行”的东西？流行的东西就是“好东西”吗？这些文化热词好不好？
4. 你觉得“流行文化”是不是文化，其中的哪些方面体现了“中国式的思考”？我们应该怎样去理解和传扬？
备注 （教学反思） 1.可取之处：用来源于真实生活的语料激发学生的兴趣
2. 不足之处：母语限制可能会有一定难度
评价总结 中国的流行文化中讲解什么和如何讲解是个值得我们教师多多思考的问题。 在教学的过程中，应遵循循序渐进的原则， 在学生已经有了一定的语言和文化双重知识上分段进行， 一点点渗入。可将中国的流行文化联系到其主流文化，还要联系学生母语中或其他语言中相关的例子来讨论。
学习建议 课后作业：让学生准备一个5-10分钟的PPT介绍中国流行文化的一种，下节课做课堂报告。
参考资料
http://www.chinahush.com/2013/01/06/10-most-popular-internet-phrases-in-china-in-2012/
http://www.chinahush.com/2009/12/31/2009-end-of-the-year-review-10-most-popular-internet-phrases-in-china/
http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/09tentopnews/2010-01/07/content_9268287.htm
http://www.banzhu.com/article/1756944
課程：明德暑校研究班 CHNS 6580 Topics in Chinese Culture
作業：教學設計 2 「舌尖上的中國」07/18/2013
姓名：許馨文 Hsu, Sin Wen 學號：00571455
-內容介紹
利用在中國廣受觀眾喜愛的「舌尖上的中國」第六集【五味調和】介紹傳統中式料理、飲食，並討論「普通話」在節目中的應用。
-適用年級
大學中文課二、三年級以上，特別是有前往中國留學（長期或短期）意願的學生
-教學資源
1. 「舌尖上的中國」視頻
2. 投影與播音器材
3. 討論題目講義或ＰＰＴ
-具體目標
1. 培養學生能對「多元化」與「統一性」的觀察能力
2. 讓學生透過節目中的真實人物所說的話，接觸「南腔北調」
3. 訓練學生能反思自身的文化背景，表達意見
-重點難點
1. 字幕與聽力練習的運用（使用英文或中文字幕或不使用字幕）
2. 對現當代中國背景知識（食品安全問題）
3. 同理心、批判性問題聯想能力（中國的「南腔北調」和美國各地區的英文腔調）
-板書設計
1. 重點詞彙
2. 討論問題
-過程描述 (以一堂50分鐘的課為例，完成所有目標應需要兩節課以上的課時)
=第一次上課=
1. 簡介「舌尖上的中國」，重點可放在這個節目成為2012 年中國最受歡迎、廣為人知的節目，甚至成為年度熱詞這些事上。（可舉 “江南style” 為例讓學生易於聯想）［3 分鐘］
2. 簡介本集內容，並以問答方式，引導學生說出本集所包含的五味（或六味），提升其學習興趣。［5 分鐘］
3. 視課堂可運用時間長短而定，選擇六個段落中其中視覺效果較突出的兩段或一段（例如甜和辣）播放給學生看。［約 15 分鐘］
4. 第一個段落播放完之後，請學生分組討論選出每組覺得最突出的一小段畫面或信息，並與全班同學分享，每組三分鐘為限。［約 10 分鐘］
5. 討論對中國飲食的看法，中國飲食一般來說有什麼特色，跟每個學生自己的家鄉菜或是愛吃的菜有什麼相同、相異之處。［約 10 分鐘］
6. 布置回家作業：蒐集關於中國近來食品安全議題的資料。
=第二次上課=
7. 上課後請一兩位同學簡述一下上次播放的內容。［3 分鐘］
8. 播放另外一段（例如鮮）［約 15 分鐘］
9. 看完以後請學生分組討論剛才觀看的內容並分享所收集到的食品安全相關信息。［約 10 分鐘］
10. 再次播放其中一小段，讓學生注意聽出說話者的腔調有何不同，對他們來說是否容易聽懂。［約 5 分鐘］
11. 討論語言中腔調的問題，中文英文中是否有類似的情形？［約 5 分鐘］
12. 與同學討論去中國留學時，是否有可能遇到聽有腔調普通話（和老師說的／和錄音裡）不一樣就聽不懂的情形，該如何應對？該用什麼態度來面對？［約 10 分鐘］
-評價總結
了解學生對中國飲食的態度
了解學生對於帶有腔調的普通話的態度
加強學生對真實語料深入與不同角度的分析討論
加強學生表達個人意見與想法的口語能力
對學生口語表達能力的評分
-學習建議
從學習語言的使用，引導跨越到了解與這個語言相關的背景知識，包括文化意涵與現當代重要時事。
舌尖上的中国 教案
张舜尧
1. 教學目標：
學生能在影片中學習到新的词汇和语法结构，并且可以了解传统中国饮食文化的特点几中西饮食文化上相同与差异。
2. 教学目的：
a) 学生能掌握“酸、甜、苦、辣、咸”的汉语发音及语义。
b) 学生能应用单元句型“我喜欢／不喜欢吃……，因为……”。
c) 学生能就电影内容对汉语和中国饮食文化了解。
d) 学生能用新词汇和语法分享自己对中国饮食的意见几对食物的意见。
e) 学生能理解、比较中西饮食文化的相同与相异。
3. 教学材料和设备：
a) 柠檬、糖果、苦茶、辣椒、盐巴
b) 播放设备
c) 舌尖上的中国影片
d) 酸、甜、苦、辣、咸的食物
4. 教学安排:
时间 活动内容 老师 学生
25 舌尖上的中国
影片播放 老师请学生仔细看影片和听有关味觉的字音 学生看影片内容图像和听有可能是描述味觉的字音
5 以实物（柠檬、糖果、苦茶、辣椒、盐巴）让学生能用感性知觉对酸、甜、苦、辣、咸等汉字字型和语音连接 拿出代表不同味道的实物问学生，他们是什么味道？
学生可能知道也可能不知道，若不知道可以让他尝尝看再告诉他们汉语的字和音。 学生回答不同实物的味道，配对练习把语音、字型、字义连接。
7 句法操练：
a) 你喜欢……吗？
b) 你为什么喜欢／不喜欢……？
c) 我喜欢／不喜欢吃……，因为…… T：你喜欢柠檬吗？
给学生食物，让学生问彼此问题。
同样地操作b）c）的句型。
S：我喜欢柠檬／我不喜欢柠檬。
S1：你喜欢辣椒吗？
S2：我喜欢／不喜欢辣椒。
7 词汇、语法应用
小组讨论
T：你们喜欢吃中国菜还是美国菜？为什么？
S-S：我喜欢吃中国菜，因为中国菜很辣。
S-S：我不喜欢吃中国菜，因为中国菜有一点太甜。
5 角色扮演：
学生分别扮演饕客，吃中国料理做评论及评分。 老师给学生分数牌子（1-5）
T：你喜欢这道菜吗？
S1；（举3分）我不喜欢这道菜，因为太苦了。
S2～Sn：
1
交代作业：
写下全家人个别喜欢吃的一道菜，为什么他们喜欢那道菜？
5. 教学重点几难点：
a) 语言层面：词汇的发音、语法结构、目的语的沟通与交际。
b) 语言技能：着重—听、说；侧重－读、写。
c) 文化层面：对中国饮食与西方饮食有所了解，且能表达自己的意见。
6. 考核方式：
a) 课堂表现：
发音、词汇、语法应用）
b) 家庭作业：
是否确实了解语言结构及能否运用与日常生活。
張禹老師
李博
舌尖上的中國 － 教案
中國文化專題
7/15/13
主題： 中國到底有甚麼好吃的？
次主題：少數民族的特點
教學環境：
➢ 大學中級課 (漢語經驗平均4, 5 年)
➢ 每周三節課, 每節課一個鐘頭, 預計一週完成此單位
教學目標：
1.1 人際交流能力:
➢ 能夠用中文描述中國做菜的幾種方式 (關鍵在於學生能否用做菜的主要動詞：蒸,炒,烤,沌等)
➢ 能夠與同學就此話題進行幾次討論
1.2 理解詮釋能力：
➢ 能夠理解70％有關網上錄像網址及閱讀材料內容
1.3 表達演講能力：
➢ 能夠介紹菜種的特點而來源
➢ 能夠跟同學們介紹做菜的方法
2.1 文化
通過本課的學習(包括講座, 網址材料與課室的閱讀材料)學生:
➢ 能夠對中國菜的特色, 辭彙, 背景有某一個程度的瞭解
➢ 能夠對中國各地的少數民族風俗和名菜的味道和形成有更好的瞭解
3.1 與其他學科貫連：
通過本課的學習(包括講座, 網址材料與課室的閱讀材料)學生能夠:
➢ 對世界上相關的話題(烹調)可以有能連接起來的知識
➢ 利用對中國菜新取的知識來多瞭解全世界人類的發達過程
4.1 文化與語言對比
通過本課的學習(包括講座, 網址材料與課室的閱讀材料)學生能夠:
➢ 解釋中國農村幹活的文化與美國之間的異別
5.1 社區
通過本課的學習(包括講座, 網址材料與課室的閱讀材料)學生能夠:
➢ 利用所取得對中國的菜種與中國農民文化的知識跟朋友們或家人介紹
➢ 利用新的知識帶到家裡去 (跟家人做飯)
教學內容與教學活動：
1. 教學材料：
1. 中國地圖 2. Youtube 視頻 3. 三本中國菜譜 (地道辭彙與照片) 4. 中美地圖
5.中國菜歷史: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Chinese_cuisine (英 )
多餘：中國菜的菜譜網址:
1. http://www.xinshipu.com/shipu/中國菜 (中)
2. http://www.daydaycook.com/recipe/2/index.html (中)
3. http://www.shipuw.com/ (中)
4. http://traditionalchineserecipes.blogspot.com/ (英)
5. http://allrecipes.com/recipes/world-cuisine/asian/chinese/top.aspx (英)
2. 教學實踐：
(1) 教學活動：
1) 開始請學生列出來自己覺得中國文化包括哪幾點 － 讓他們到前邊去在白板列出來。食品也包括在內. 對中國食物有甚麼樣的感覺 (這樣以來我可以測量學生描述食物的能力) ?中國的甚麼菜最好吃 ?有沒有你想喫可沒機會喫的菜 ?甚麼菜 ? 酸苦辣甜，你覺得哪一個味道最美？在這方面中國那裡的菜最有名 ? 為甚麼 ? 跟你旁邊的夥伴說一下, 好嗎？
➢ 說完一起討論
2) 看Youtube上的舌尖上的中國 (第一集) (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uxmVQR80BT0) (30分鐘)
➢ 第二天會看後半部。
在看這一集的過程當中讓學生記下來不認的字. 老師早就準備好要教的新語法點。
➢ 看完頭半小時後老師把全班分成小組 (兩人一組)進行5至10分鐘的討論。老師輪流聆聽學習著對此活動的貢獻。
➢ 生詞及語法點的重視時刻。 老師給學生們介紹一些生詞（比較少：不想利用很多上課時間在生詞方面上）和較高級而稍微罕見的語法點. 成語也有. 學生要跟著老師一起練習成語，語法，和生詞的用法。老師請每一個學生和旁邊同學一起合作花10分鐘的時間寫一個總結剛看到那一片的段落.
➢ 請同學們段落寫完了後跟大家分享。
➢ 從舌尖上的中國留下來的影響, 讓學生告訴老師自己對中國的哪一地帶有興趣。
➢ 老師給學習著機會跟同學們做5分鐘的口頭報考(週五). 當天的作業讓學習著先看中國菜的歷史（維基百科英板）而從地圖選出中國的一個省，再作些研究，尤其是在當地名菜的方面。週五上課時，每一個學生5分鐘, 口頭報告.
課程測試舉例
1. 給學生們看幾張照片 (中國名菜的幾種), 跟他們提問
2. 看學生們對中國有名的菜的知識有多好.
形成性評量舉例
1. 問答：課前與課後你們對中國菜的知識有沒有提高？在哪一些方面呢？
瞭解程度大不大？請解釋。
2. 書面作業：A. 用語法生詞和成語些篇一頁長的報告。題目為今天我學到的新消息. B. 看維基百科文章. C. 選一個在中國你有興趣的省, 研究那裡的菜,
週五上課時後請跟大家。。。
3. 口頭報告： 你所選的省有甚麼有名的菜？請介紹一下 (5分鐘)
總結式評量舉例
1. 復習生詞，語法，成語： 跟學習著一起總結這個星期的題目： 中國的菜種
2. 讓學生跟著老師講作業的每一點。
3. 答問： 學生有甚麼問題現在就可疑問。
教学设计二: 《舌尖上的中国》设计有关中国饮食的教案
学生年级：高中和大学，中文一至四
课本:听说读写，第三版.
Note: 这个教案不用只在中文课讲，也可以在中国文化课用英语给学生介绍饮食文化方面。
上课题目与话题：“中国五味”；“筷子”文化；“干杯”文化；“敬酒”文化；用“吃”的短语、比喻和成语
道具、资源：影片、黑/白板上画或贴着”Venn Diagram”、饮食大纲(handouts)、筷子、杯子
课堂目标：学生会更了解中国饮食与烹饪的文化，能把他们所学到的和自己文化饮食方面结合起来或者做比较。
上课顺序：
“热身活动”:先讨论自己的印象： 老师先让学生想一想、说一说他们以前到当代对中国饮食的印象是怎么样的，进行互相讨论。
“Venn Diagram ”：学生讨论的时候，老师会把学生说的写在板上画的一个“Venn Diagram”的里面。左边有美国的饮食风俗习惯，右边有中国饮食的风俗习惯。这个活动的目的是让学生和老师都看到他们如今的印象，而给大家看哪儿有不一样的，哪儿有相类似的。
放映: 给学生看一段影片/纪录片/广告，为了给他们介绍中国饮食文化。(最好给他们看”Bizarre Foods with Andrew Zimmerman”或”No Reservations with Anthony Bourdain”的关于走遍中国尝一尝有意思的饮食)好好找谈到中国五味和当地特菜的饮食文化方面、现象。
会不会用筷子？看完影片之后，看时间，教学生怎么用筷子。问学生为什么中国人要用筷子，而不用刀和叉？利用这个机会来向学生解释对中国人来说用刀和叉是”野蛮的”。也可以让他们把这个现象跟西方人会觉得用筷子是“原始(primitive)”的思想做比较。
干杯！学会用筷子之后(或者教学生怎么用筷子之后)，把杯子分配给大家，问他们“你们知道人民在美国如何跟别人说”干杯“/“干杯”在美国的意思是什么？然后，向学生介绍中国人怎么做，让他们理解怎么用“叩头”方法来“干杯”（把杯子轻轻打他人的杯子，要敲在比他的杯子下的地方，就代表叩头他）。
结束教案：解释人与人吃饭的文化利用最后的时间再来讨论今天学到最有意思、没想到的、还不太理解的、等等的事情。
如果还有时间：把关于“吃”中文的一些比喻、短语和成语向学生介绍一下，教他们怎么用，举例。
作业：让学生下次上课把代表自己文化背景的菜或小吃带来上课，准备给大家分享，介绍一下自己文化背景（重视饮食文化）与风俗习惯（比如：这个菜是怎么应该做的、怎么应该吃的）
中国文化课：中国饮食文化的介绍
课程内容介绍：
这堂课会在《中文听说读写》里面的《第十二课：吃饭》教过后进行。在第十二课里面，学生会学到在中国餐厅里怎样跟服务员沟通和点菜，第十二课注重的是语言。学生会对书里面介绍过的一些中国菜有了一定的了解。
透过《舌头上的中国》，这堂课会给学生介绍中国其它地方的一些饮食文化特色。学生会对中国不同地方的美食有更深入的认识，而且他们会从饮食的角度去了解中国的文化。
适用年级：中文二年级的学生
教学资源：
－ 《舌头上的中国》
－ 中国人过年的时候所吃的饮食图片
具体目标：
1.学生会对中国各地的饮食特色有加倍的了解。
2.学生会对比中国和美国的饮食特色。
3.学生会从饮食的角度了解中国文化。
重点难点：
重点：给学生介绍中国各地不同的饮食特色。
难点：只看录影片和听，学生不可以亲身体验中国美食的味道。
过程描述：
活动和理由
1. 开始上课时，我会先问问学生平常过假节日的时候，他们会用什么美食来庆祝。 例如，美国人会吃火鸡来庆祝感恩节，但为什么呢？（5 分钟）
1. 让学生讨论他们会用什么饮食来庆祝不同的节日，可以让他们想想饮食在文化中所扮演的角色，从而引起他们对饮食文化的兴趣。
2. 我会给学生介绍中国人过年的时候会吃点什么。我会给学生解释每一道菜对中国人的意义。例如，中国人过年会吃发菜，因为它的名字说起来像“发财”，代表了一个好意头。然后，我会让学生讨论为什么饮食可以成为文化的一部分。（15 分钟）
2. 因为很多美国人对中国新年有很大的兴趣，所以从这个题目去开始介绍中国的饮食文化是最合适的。很多学生都会对中国新年有一点认识，所以这个题目也不会是全新的知识。透过讨论饮食，可以让学生了解和体会到美中两国不同的文化特点，使学生能够比较美国和中国饮食的区别和共同点。
3. 播放《舌头上的中国》。在播放的过程中，我会给学生一张有关这段片的问答卷。问答卷里面有中国不同的地方和这地方的特色小菜名字，而学生的任务就是要回答每一道菜是甜的、酸的、苦的、辣的、咸的、还是清的。例如，“盐焗鸡是 ______________“，那学生就可以写出这道菜的味道。（40 分钟）
3. 播放《舌头上的中国》可以给学生介绍中国各地不同的饮食特色，让他们对中国的饮食文化有多一点的了解。学生在美国尝过的中国菜常常不是真正的中国饮食，而是一种美国式的中国菜。这段片可以让学生真正的认识中国不同的菜式。透过问答卷，学生可以记下每一道菜的味道，也可以让他们练习不同味道的生词。
4. 播放完后，大家会围成一个圆圈来讨论中国各地的人民喜欢吃什么味道的菜。例如，“四川人喜欢吃什么味道的菜？为什么？那广东人呢？”然后，每个学生会跟大家分享在片段里面他最想吃的一道菜。（15 分钟）
4. 播放后的讨论和结论可以让学生复习今天所学过的内容，也可以让学生分析为什么不同地方的人会喜欢不同味道的菜。然后，学生可以尝试给大家表达一下他最想尝的一道菜，这样就可以引起他们对中国饮食的兴趣了。
5. 我会给学生解释他们的作业。（5 分钟）
5. 最后，我会用一点时间解释一下学生需要做的作业，让他们都了解回家后他们的任务是什么，这样就不会有很大的问题了。
作业和评考：
学生的作业是做一个比对中国和美国饮食文化的小报告。他们要调查一个有用饮食来庆祝的中国节日（例如，生日寿宴或者中秋节），记下中国人过节的时候用什么饮食来庆祝、那些菜式的名字和味道是什么、还有为什么有这些饮食习惯。然后，学生要看看美国人有没有类似的节日，而他们又是用什么食物来庆祝的。学生要做一张海报来比较两个国家过这个节日时饮食方面的区别与共同点。海报上要贴上菜式的图片，然后上课时就可以用海报来和大家分享。我觉得这份作业不但会让学生更加了解中国人在不同节日的饮食特色，而且会让学生更加了解自己过节的饮食文化，让他们可以做出对比。
我会在课堂完的时候收下学生看录影片时所填的问答卷，用来考评他们有没有了解到片里面的内容。学生在讨论的时候，我也可以再一次考评他们对中国饮食文化的了解。
学习建议：
学生调查过中国不同的饮食特色后，我可以带他们去一间中国餐厅，让他们在真实的场景下练习跟服务员点菜。他们也可以尝尝他们在录影片里面看过或者他们调查过的菜式，让他们对中国美食有更深的认识。
我也可以请一位中国厨师到课堂来给学生讲一讲他对中国饮食的认识，或者运用学校烹饪课的厨房教学生做一些简单的中国菜，例如，饺子。这样，学生就可以亲身体验到中国菜是怎么做的和是什么味道的。
评价总结：
这堂课是在语言课里面另外加上去的文化课。我想我的学生不只是可以到中国餐厅点菜，还可以看菜单，而且知道菜单里面的菜是什么菜。我会在课文中不同的阶段给学生介绍中国文化，让他们对中国不同的生活习惯有更深的了解。我觉得这堂课是给学生介绍中国饮食特色的好开始，还会引起他们对中国饮食的兴趣。
《舌尖上的中国》教案
-适用年级
我的目的学生是汉语三年级学生，高二的
-教学资源
纪录片（设备等），听说读写课本，中国代表五味菜（或者图片）
-具体目标
学生学会五味的五个字，也学会《舌尖上的中国》里五味的一个代表菜。一共十几词，二“十汉字左右（按照挑选的代表菜）。学生也学会：
“我喜欢吃甜/酸/苦/辣/咸的。我不喜欢吃甜/酸/苦/辣/咸的。”
“我们的（代表菜名）很好吃，很甜/酸/苦/辣/咸。”
-板书设计
听书读写第二册上的“点菜”课
-过程描述
5分钟–用flyswatter游戏教无味和五个名菜
<5分钟—让学生品味代表菜（或者看图片）
10分钟–看关于代表菜的《舌尖上的中国》影片，用英文字母。到了一个菜的时候用汉语文学生关于菜的基本问题：颜色，肉类，味道，菜名，等。
5分钟–用双语谈谈中国配料和相关劳动情况
5分钟—按照听说读写“点菜”课，学生写一个对话（1对1）在饭馆里。饭馆代表五味菜都有。学生利用“具体目标”里的句型把相同的句子插入他们对话里。
10分钟—每一对来表演他们写的对话。学生把对话交给老师为了提供反馈。
补充活动：学生把菜/五味和中国地理连起来。例如：辣—四川；甜—全国家，特别是南方在纪录片里；连酸味和陈皮工厂位置在一起等