Transition and Marginalization: Locating Spaces for Discursive Contestation in Post-Revolution Tunisia by Edwige Fortier

Transition and Marginalization: Locating Spaces for Discursive Contestation in Post-Revolution Tunisia by Edwige Fortier (2015)

Screen Shot 2016-02-08 at 2.02.00 PMTransition and Marginalization: Locating Spaces for Discursive Contestation in Post-Revolution Tunisia examines the role and activity of the LGBTQ+ community before and after the revolution in Tunisia. Fortier argues that while freedom of speech and open channels for political participation have increased the rights of the LGBTQ+ community in a political sense, other areas of society have become increasingly vocal about the potential cultural and religious conflict between the LGBTQ+ community and the rest of Tunisian society. Fortier’s paper relies mostly on in-depth interviews with representatives from organizations working in the domain of human rights and HIV/Aids, as well as associations representing the LGBTQ+ community in Tunisia. Fortier notes that the interviewee’s response often fluctuated with the political context at the time of interview, with notable differences (more conservative) in responses from 2012 to 2013.

 

Fortier notes that post-revolution Tunisia presented an opportunity for increased integration of different segments of the Tunisian population through the increased role of civil society. As one journalist noted: “This space was wide open – there was no police, no government, the political groups were not structured, anything was possible” (148). This led the way for the public/official founding of LGBTQ+ groups in Tunisia (such as the Tunisian Association for Justice and Equality or Damj (‘reintegration’) in Arabic), as well as online magazines following the LGBTQ+ community and public marches displaying the rainbow flag. Many saw this period as an opportunity for legal privileges for all minorities in the Constitution, much like South Africa had included the rights of all racial, sexual, and ethnic minorities in its Constitution.

 

However, Fortier argues that many groups had to find a balance between the benefits of increased publicity (for empowerment and emancipation) versus the loss of privacy for people from the LGBTQ+ community (as loss of discretion can make these groups more vulnerable to opponents). This was particularly relevant in post-2011 Tunisia, where freedom of speech and freedom of action became common place. As a result, the topic of sex (including the ‘issue’ of single mothers, abortion, and homosexuality) became part of the national discourse. This led to a backlash from conservatives where maison closes (brothels) and bars (for serving alcohol) were attacked by Islamist conservatives.

 

In other words, while the LGBTQ+ community had freedom of speech, other segments of the population also had freedom to criticize. Fortier notes that this negatively impacted LGBTQ+ organizations’ strategy in post-2011 Tunisia, though she does not point out how exactly this strategy changed. This free, yet hostile, environment in Tunisia maintained the status quo and stigma towards those from the LGBTQ+ community. In fact, the video portraying the former Prime Minister Ali Laarayedh’s allegedly having sex with another man caused a scandal in Tunisia on its release (in actuality, Laarayyedh was raped while in prison). The fact that the release of such a video involving two men created such a scandal makes it clear that homosexuality is still enough of a stigma to be used to humiliate people if they are seen to be associated with it.

 

While political liberties for those from the LGBTQ+ community are becoming seemingly more apparent in Tunisia, social attitudes towards them are becoming increasingly hostile. As Fortier puts it, there is “a loss of individual liberties for political liberties”. However, despite an increasing tolerance in the political realm, negative social attitudes have prevented many LGBTQ+ groups from lobbying from further rights. Many groups did not officially demand equal rights in the Constitution from fear of a strong conservative backlash, with many citing now as “not the right time”.

 

This is particularly relevant in post-revolution Tunisia when one looks to making social progress. Many LGBTQ+ groups’ choice not to pursue an aggressive, forthright agenda highlights the importance of cultural and social context in the political realm. It shows that while there may be salience amongst legislators, there must also be cultural and social backing for that progress to be accepted within the society. In order to further Fortier’s analysis, it would have been pertinent to analyze how exactly social and cultural norms can be molded (perhaps through education or awareness campaigns) and gradually transformed to align these norms with political values in Tunisia. For example, when talking about the change in strategy of many LGBTQ+ groups following conservative hostility, Fortier could have talked more in-depth about how these groups’ strategy changed. An analysis of the way strategy changed would have given a greater insight into how a response could be formed to ensure greater acceptance and integration of the LGBTQ+ community politically, socially and culturally in the future.

 

Edwige Fortier lectures at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London as a Senior Teaching Fellow. Before pursuing her doctorate degree, she worked in the field of humanitarian development for over ten years and continues to work in HIV/AIDS policy research. Her area of interest follows the Arab Spring Uprisings of 2011, with a particular focus on Tunisia. She has examined the changing role of civil society during democratization, and the impact that has had on marginalized and vulnerable groups, such as the LGBTQ+ community, those living with HIV/Aids and women.

 

Further reading on LGBTQ+ community in Tunisia:

  • Link to original article
  • Damj Facebook page (Reintegration NGO – Arabic/French)
  • Gayday Magazine (Tunisia’s first gay magazine)
  • “Gays in Egypt, Tunisia worry about post-revolt era” Reuters (article in com)
  • “Is it Finally OK To Be Gay in Tunisia?” Tunisia Live
  • Blibech, F., A. Driss & P. Longo (2014) Citizenship in post-Awakening Tunisia: power shifts and

conflicting perceptions

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