OVERVIEW  

The policies and structure of government in Bangladesh resemble that of a free country, however fail to live up to that image in execution. Throughout the semester, the leaders in Bangladeshi government have consistently contradicted policy and the mainstream concepts of a “free country”. Unfair elections and corrupt leadership serve as the core, most prevalent threats to democracy in Bangladesh.
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PROBLEMS & SOLUTIONS

1. FAIRER ELECTIONS
Elections are the core of a democracy. The form of expression in voting gives constituents their voice in government. Therefore, Bangladesh needs to establish fair elections in order to become a more “free”, democratic country. Fair elections would allow the political leaders of Bangladesh to more accurately represent the people by promoting/protecting political pluralism and participation.

First Pass the Post
I think that Bangladesh’s democracy would greatly benefit if they ended or drastically improved their First Past the Post (FPTP) System. A FPTP system can be successful, but has so far been exploited by Bangladeshi politicians. Besides the 2008 elections, none of the governments received more than fifty percent of the popular vote. The result of the ninth parliament’s elections reflect such seat-vote disparity of the elections; The Awami League won 57% of the popular vote, but they received 87% of the seats.  These electoral outcomes give the majority party a false mandate and sense of political superiority. And unlike a successful FPTP system, these falsely supported “majority” parties are less inclined to accommodate for opposition parties and/or converge to the median. In this way, the unreliable process for election results produces an unhealthy power dynamic between the majority party and opposition. From there, the majority party practically has all power, and can manipulate future elections to solidify their reign for long periods of time. In deferring from or improving Bangladesh’s FPTP system, as well as conducting neutral elections, the seats of parliament would more accurately represent the population while also promoting political pluralism (Jahan 2014, p. 254-255).

As I discussed in my previous blog post “Your Vote Doesn’t Count”, this overwhelming power of the majority party has resulted in complete hopelessness for the opposition party. The 2014 elections were boycotted by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) because they knew they were not going to win a significant amount of seats, and those that did participate were subject to violence. However, the upcoming December elections pose other possible new solutions. The BNP will join forces with the Jatika Oikya Front (JOF). The JOF campaigns without the “baggage of corruption” and has a history of supporting the liberation struggle. The plans of the opposition party present a solution to ending the majority’s party control over the elections by joining forces with other underrepresented parties (NewsIn.Asia 2018). Although I see this solution as less successful than changing the electoral process completely, it makes the most sense. The majority party has the most control over elections and therefore would not want to implement fairer elections, so for the opposition, their best bet is to join forces with other parties and transform elections from the outside in. 

Representation/ Diversity
The Parliament in Bangladesh also fails to proportionately represent the constituency, especially in terms of gender, economic status, and religion. Don’t be fooled by the fact that the last two prime ministers were women, though that is impressive, the number of women directly elected to parliament remains very low. The ninth parliament, which actually shows progress, still only had 6% of seats has directly elected female members of Parliament. Even with the increase in reserved seats for women (currently 50), the quality of women’s participation has not improved by much. Most of those women are chosen based on traditional values and party loyalty, and are not taken seriously a recipients of affirmative action. A possible way to improve the quality and quantity of women’s political participation, as argued by many women’s organizations, is by demanding women’s quota in different tiers of the political party organization, direct elections for the women’s reserved seats, and enhanced quota for party nomination for elections. It comes down to fostering and legitimizing the role of women in politics (Jahan 2014, p. 255-257).

Money & Religion
As always, money is power. However, in an ideally free country, money should matter less than ideas when running for office. However, the high costs associated with running an election campaign prevent less affluent candidates from winning, and many from running in the first place. This prevents poorer, but just as intelligent/capable/popular candidates from winning while also preventing the lower class in being represented. The wealthy are buying party nominations and investing to ensure their election. Leftist parties that do advocate for the poor are politically insignificant (Jahan 2014, p. 258-260). Such impediments on resource-poor representation can be countered by limiting the spending on campaigns or limiting spending to a specific amount given to each candidate by the government. Other solutions that do not involve government action include the mobilization of the poor in collective action to support their candidates.
The majority of the population of Bangladesh is Muslim, however this does not justify the lack of representation for religious minorities. About ten percent of the population is Hindu. There is no support for affirmative action for the representation of Hindus. To ensure that their representation corresponds with their population, the Hindus also need to gather community support/power through collective action.
The hypothesized solutions for both underrepresented groups, the poor and religious minorities, are to mobilize themselves in collective action. This is largely because there is no internal power that is inclined to make any change for the increased representation of these groups. 

In order to become a more “free” country, elections in Bangladesh need to be more fair, thus resulting in a more accurately representative body.

2. CORRUPTION
Corruption is the major problem in Bangladeshi government. I consistently return to the point that I think policies in Bangladesh themselves are those of a “free” country, but the political corruption prevents those laws from proper execution.

Corruption has invaded Bangladeshi government in all aspects. The constitution of Bangladesh is relatively young (45 years), and for its short life, has always been (at least partly) manipulated by leaders. This precedent has allowed for the continuation of law as a secondary power. The extent to which the law in Bangladesh is enforced is largely dependent on officials, therefore fostering a structure where the leaders matter more than law and laws not being seriously enforced. People often turn to the judiciary as their last resort to get justice- the rule of law (Khan and Islam 2014, p. 31). In my last blog post “Laws Are Just Words”, I discuss law enforcement’s own judgement reigning over the actual law.  The prioritization of law would prevent the scenario in which a corrupt leader, although a corrupt or radical leader is a problem in itself, from transforming a democracy into an authoritarian regime. One of the first steps to Bangladesh becoming a free country is preventing corruption through a stronger dedication to their democratic constitution than individual leaders or parties. This is not as concrete of a solution as changing the structure elections, but the problem isn’t with the laws themselves. Judiciary as the last resort is a reflection of how people seek justice by proving that laws were violated. It is by normalizing lawful behavior among the bureaucracy, including political leaders and law enforcement, through elections and court rulings, that corruption can be reduced. Precedent is a powerful tool that has shaped stable democracies.

Additionally, transparency in government operations would increase accountability and therefore reduce corruption. The next steps for Bangladesh to reduce corruption and combat the developed system of elitism to become more of a “free” country are to increase  depoliticize institutions such as law enforcement and the judiciary. There should be a proper system implemented to foster administrative transparency and accountability. Public release of reports of Parliamentary committees would increase bureaucratic accountability (Khan and Islam 2014, p. 35).

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ELECTIONS, CORRUPTION, AND BEYOND

Although I divide the main threats to democracy in Bangladesh into two, separate sections, these two issues are part of each other, and work together as part of a larger framework with other (just as important) aspects of governance. Fairer elections lead to less corruption in the same way that lowering corruption should foster more fair elections in the future. Increasing transparency would not only prevent corruption, but in itself attract less corrupt leaders. Improving one aspect of governance is only successful with other moving parts.

Bangladesh’s road to democratic consolidation is a long, multifaceted process that will require work by outside groups/organizations combined with structural changes in the government. I believe that unfair elections and corrupt leadership are the main factors driving Bangladesh away from becoming a free, democratic nation.
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Works Cited

Khan, Mohammad Mohabbat, and Md. Shahriar Islam. “Democracy and Good Governance in Bangladesh: Are They Compatible?” Millennial Asia 5, no. 1 (2014): 23-40. doi:10.1177/0976399613518855.

Jahan, Rounaq. “The Parliament of Bangladesh: Representation and Accountability.” The Journal of Legislative Studies, October 29, 2014, 250-69. Accessed November 18, 2018. https://doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2014.975470.

Editor. “Elections for Bangladesh’s 11 Th. Parliament Will Be Different.” NewsIn.Asia. November 20, 2018. Accessed November 20, 2018. https://newsin.asia/elections-for-bangladeshs-11-th-parliament-will-be-different/.

Rule of Law

Rule of Law describes how and how effectively law is executed in the country, largely resulting from those whose roles require the interpretation of the law (ex. Judges, law enforcement). The Rule of Law in a free country means there must be an independent judiciary, due process in civil and criminal matters, protection against illegitimate use of force, and equal treatment under the law. The judiciary should act independently in that there should be no/limited influences from the other branches of government, rulings should be impartial, the process for judges to be picked and dismissed should be fair, and finally the legitimate enforcement and compliance to such rulings. The prevailing of due process in civil and criminal matters implies the presence of defendants’ rights, access to courts and legal counsel, right to fair trial, prosecutors independent from government or private influence, and professional/justified law enforcement. The protection against unjustified use of physical force and freedom from war/revolts is present when there is a lack of violence during arrests or questioning (and if there is abuse experiences, there are effective means of petition and redress), decent treatment in detention facilities and prisons, and the population is not subject to acts of violence in conflict and civil war. Equal treatment under laws, policies, and practices is ensured when various groups including minorities (LGBT, religious, and ethnic groups, etc.) are able to exercise their full rights, that violence against such groups is considered a crime, that there is a lack of discrimination against these groups for employment/education/housing, non-citizens have human rights. The moving parts which define a country’s Rule of Law are based on how fairly the law is executed, interpreted, and how well it ensures people’s rights are secured (Freedom House, 2018).

Rule of Law in A Free Country

A just rule of law is essential to the functioning of a free country. Rule of law should largely serve to prevent the exploitation and elitist exceptions in the legal system. Corruption in the rule of law would result in the imprisonment and abuse of anyone who objects those in power, while the law would go soft for any elite or person in power. The goals of a free country are focused to do the precise opposite- the rule of law should ensure equal treatment and minimized influence from outside parties.

Rule of Law in Bangladesh

The Dhaka Tribune’s article about “Police Violence on Students” covers the student protests following the killing of a group of students by a speeding bus. Such protests have resulted in student-police clashes, including accounts of the police firing batons and charging to suppress protesters. The article also questions the legitimacy/constitutionality that the police had in reacting so violently to the protests, led primarily by students under the age of 18. For example, article 37 of the Constitution of Bangladesh specifically ensures the right for minors to protest peacefully. Section 70 of the Child Rights Act 2013 also states that the act of physical and mental torture of children is punishable (Hasan, 2018).

Based on this article, and the information gathered throughout my other blog posts, the police is another part of the corrupt Bangladeshi government. The police are easily influenced by the leading party, and this case reflects their prioritization of order over the law. The Bangladeshi police contributes to why Bangladesh is not a fully “free” country since there is not much protection over the illegitimate use of force. Even though there are laws to prevent the illegitimate use of force, it is clearly not implemented.

UPI article “Bangladesh court sentences 19 to die for grenade attack 14 years ago”, as indicated by its title, covers the court sentence of 19 executions (all are BNP members) for a grenade attack that occurred over a decade ago. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party’s secretary general describes the verdict as “just another example of using judiciary political revenge.” The BNP party chief and son of the former prime minister were sentenced to life imprisonment (Adamczyk, 2018).

I think that this attack that killed 24 people is a crime that cannot go without repercussions. However, the real question this article raises is whether this sentence and other sentences plaguing the nation has political motive. There seems to be an obvious trend of the Awami League exercising their power as a way to ensure that they never lose that power. They are using military force and the courts to punish opposition. In doing so, they send a message to the general public while suppressing the opposition. Such a harsh sentence will intimidate anyone supporting the BNP. Additionally, if these are falsely accused criminals, then it would both fulfill the Awami League’s agenda by antagonizing the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and oppressing its members. Without getting into the issues of a death sentence in itself, I think that this case is also a reflection of how the rule of law in Bangladesh limits its chances to be considered a “free” country since the judiciary and every other part of government can be so easily influenced by power rather than law and justice.

Works Cited

“Methodology: Freedom in the World 2018.” Freedom House. April 19, 2018. Accessed November 09, 2018. https://freedomhouse.org/report/methodology-freedom-world-2018.

Adamczyk, Ed. “Bangladesh Court Sentences 19 to Die for Grenade Attack 14 Years Ago.” UPI. October 10, 2018. Accessed November 09, 2018. https://www.upi.com/Bangladesh-court-sentences-19-to-die-for-grenade-attack-14-years-ago/3081539186238/.

Hasan, Muhibul. “Police Violence on Students.” Dhaka Tribune. August 09, 2018. Accessed November 09, 2018. https://www.dhakatribune.com/magazine/weekend-tribune/2018/08/09/police-violence-on-students.

Political Pluralism and Participation

According to Freedom House, political pluralism and (expansive) participation is available when people can freely and safely express/support their political preferences, political parties have fair chance to garner support, non-democratically accountable groups are not influencing individual political choices, and relevant groups have suffrage rights and opportunities. The ability to freely organize and support political groupings means that there should be no undue obstacles (i.e excessive requirements and regulations) to operate, discrimination that hinders the ability to gather, and subjection to harassment for (peaceful) party members. The opportunity to gain support and power is measured by considering the aspects of government and society that enable opposing views- there should be a presence of genuine opposition in positions of power in government, a lack of restrictions that prevents groups form gaining support, lack of harassment/violence that influences political support, and opposition parties’ can participation in elections. Non-democratically accountable groups such as the military or foreign powers should not have the power to influence political choices (of voters and candidates) such as through bribes, harassment, or asserting control over employees. The government should not inhibit political participation through conservative policy, excessive policies regarding citizenship to prevent the exercise of suffrage rights, and the interests of women and minorities should be represented in parties (Freedom House, 2018).

Political Pluralism and Participation in A Free Country

Political Pluralism and Participation serves as a safeguard for the people’s political interests. This security in a multiplicity of viewpoints and political ideologies prevents one party from gaining too much power. Inevitably, no country can be “free” without political pluralism and participation because these factors are essential in providing an accurate representation of beliefs in the constituency. Obviously a country cannot be ruled by the people if the people cannot freely and fairly exercise suffrage rights, thus making expansive political participation key in the establishment of a “free” country. And although in an ideal society everyone would all align with the same political party, expansive participation must also coincide with political pluralism to ensure that the country is not only limited to one political belief system/ party platform. It is through this effort to represent and support a nation’s ideological diversity that makes a country a “free” country.

Political Pluralism and Participation in Bangladesh

In BBC article “Bangladesh Ex-PM Khaleda Zia Jailed amid Clashes”, the jailing of former prime minister and opposition leader (Bangladesh Nationalist Party- BNP), Khaleda Zia, sparked protest. Zia claims that the charges against her, primarily on the basis of corruption and missing money/embezzlement, are politically motivated. Her, her son, and ten of her aides were also sentenced with jail time. Tear gas was used against protesters by police, and the BNP claims hundreds of supporters were arrested prior to the verdict (BBC, 2018).

Although I question whether or not the charges against Zia were completely “politically claimed” considering a trend of corruption in Bangladeshi government, I still believe that her power and the power of the BNP is deliberately attacked and suppressed by the current leaders of the Awami League. This power struggle and idea that one party must reign indicates a lack of political pluralism. The ability and history for the leading party in Bangladesh to silence other political parties also indicates a lack of true political participation. The Awami League uses their power to ensure that they do not lose that power.

A few months prior to Zia’s verdict, Pulack’s “Bangladesh: Thousands of Opposition Members Arrested, Activists Say” describes the arrest of thousands of BNP members and leaders to prevent their participation in upcoming elections. BNP lawyer Sanaullah Miah claims that over four thousand cases were filed against BNP leaders by the police. Such attempts to prevent the BNP’s participation in the elections this year would be a repetition of the 2014 elections, when the BNP was also not represented in the polls (Ghatack, 2018).

Both these articles bring up the issue of the oppression of political pluralism in Bangladeshi government. There is a very clear trend of the Awami League’s abuse of power to prevent political participation. Their abuse in itself is intimidating enough in itself to prevent people from supporting any other political party.

Considering the extreme violence and tension between parties, combined with deliberate oppression by the ruling political party, I will say that the political pluralism in Bangladesh is more expansive than I expected. Don’t get me wrong, there are serious issues in regards to representation, corruption, tolerance, purposeful sabotage, etc., but I think all that is a testament to the strength and resilience of opposition parties. For almost a decade, the Awami League has used intimidation and exploited their power to oppress opposition, and yet there is still a strong opposition. There is significant amount of support for opposition powers and a determination for political pluralism that continues to drive these party conflicts. So although political pluralism and participation in Bangladesh is stifled because of corrupt governance, there is much to be said about the determination of the opposition party that still enables a presence of political pluralism in Bangladesh.

Works Cited

“Methodology: Freedom in the World 2018.” Methodology: Freedom in the World 2018 | Freedom House. April 19, 2018. Accessed November 02, 2018. https://freedomhouse.org/report/methodology-freedom-world-2018.

Ghatack, Pulack. “Bangladesh: Thousands of Opposition Members Arrested, Activists Say.” BenarNews. October 9, 2018. Accessed November 02, 2018. https://www.benarnews.org/english/news/bengali/opposition-arrests-10092018173451.html.

“Bangladesh Ex-PM Khaleda Zia Jailed amid Clashes.” BBC News. February 08, 2018. Accessed November 02, 2018. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-42987765.

Electoral Process

According to Freedom House, an electoral process in a “free” country is marked by the fair election of the head of government and legislative body, and when these elections have legitimate frameworks and management to ensure such a fair election.   The electoral process for the head of government and legislative body is defined by the an accurate, non-discriminatory registration of voters and candidates, which includes enabling fair chance for minority or underrepresented candidates (ex. Female candidates). The candidates should all have an equal chance to advocate for themselves in the media and campaign without intimidation, as should the voters be able to cast ballots freely choose candidates without these pressures.  There should be a clear and fair framework for the election process through measures to ensure limited terms, the fair drawing of districts, universal suffrage, and transparency. Finally, the results should be honest and monitoring systems should be implemented to ensure that these aspects of the electoral process are respected and that elected officials are responsible for their actions. All these moving parts in the electoral process should be done in a timely manner without political motive/opportunity factoring into polling dates (Freedom House, 2018).

In cases where elections for regional, provincial, or state governors and/or other subnational executive officials differ significantly in conduct from national elections, does the conduct of the subnational elections reflect an opening toward improved political rights in the country, or, alternatively, a worsening of political rights?

Electoral Process as A Necessity

A legitimate electoral process is essential to the framework of a “free” country. Elected officials are the ones making legislative decisions on behalf of the constituency. Therefore, in order to ensure that the people are the primary voices in legislative decision making, the elected officials must be dependent on the people’s votes, which is only applicable in a fair/legitimate electoral process.

Electoral Government in Bangladesh

In BBC article “Clashes and boycott mar Bangladesh election”, Sadique covers the violent clashes on 2014 election day in Bangladesh. 18 people were killed on election day, not including those killed leading up to election day, and the scores of the polling station were burned. People were protesting the lack of contestation in Bangladeshi elections, as the opposition party, Bangladeshist National Party (BNP), was banned from taking part in elections. The neutral caretaker administration that held the elections since 1991 was eradicated in 2010 by the Awami League. Because of the lack of neutral regulation in the electoral process, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s party, Awami League, won their seats by default. There were reportedly over a hundred polling booths that were torched. Even without the destruction of polling results, there were barely any voters. In contrast to what used to be long lines of voters, there were only 25 voters in the Mipur district of the 25,000 registered voters. Those who did vote feared their safety (Sadique, 2014).

Well, this is another unsurprising article on Bangladesh’s failure to be a fully “free” country because of a corrupt administration. Bangladesh usually has a decent voter turnout, but by eliminating the regulatory bodies for the electoral process, the government has removed all purpose for voting. The main issue in this case is that the leading party had the power to remove regulatory structure, indicating a weak, unestablished, framework for the electoral process in Bangladesh.

The Guardian’s article “Bangladesh Rocked by Violence on Election Anniversary” discusses the violence one year after the 2014 elections mentioned in the first article (BBC) I studied. The leader of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, Khleda Zia, was besieged in her office by the police- one of the various factors that sparked violence on the streets of Bangladesh by party members. The conflict between Hasina’s Awami League and the BNP resulted in the killing of two BNP members. Similar clashes between the parties took place in the capital and towns across the country, with support of rallying from Khleda Zia. Many of the BNP leaders were charged or detained for election violence (Dhaka, 2015)

In both cases, prime minister Hasina refused to call for fresh elections.

There is a very clear structural problem which leaves the electoral process of Bangladesh vulnerable, a vulnerability which was perfectly taken advantage of by the Awami League. The lack of monitoring to implement a fair electoral process has been taken advantage of by the leading party and further increased tensions between them and the opposition party. The voters do not feel safe, and more importantly, even when they do vote, it is irrelevant to the actual results.  The way the entire electoral process in Bangladesh is implemented fails to reflect the electoral process of a free country because of the overbearing role of current government leaders and lack of effective regulation.

The electoral process in Bangladesh further supports my claim that Bangladesh’s legislative practices in themselves reflect those of a “free” country, but the behavior in positions of power combined with threatening social norms limit the country’s freedom.

Works Cited

Sadique, Mahfuz. “Clashes and Boycott Mar Bangladesh Election.” BBC News. January 05, 2014. Accessed October 26, 2018. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-25602436.

Dhaka, Agence France-Presse in. “Bangladesh Rocked by Violence on Election Anniversary.” The Guardian. January 05, 2015. Accessed October 26, 2018. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/jan/05/bangladesh-violence-election-anniversary-khaleda-zia.

“Methodology: Freedom in the World 2018.” Methodology: Freedom in the World 2018 | Freedom House. April 19, 2018. Accessed October 26, 2018. https://freedomhouse.org/report/methodology-freedom-world-2018.

Functioning of Government According to Freedom House

Functioning of Government refers to the way government structures ensure the fair and accurate representation of constituent interests in the creation and implementation of policy.  Government functionality tests the legislative freedom that governments have- whether the government itself has the ability to create and implement legislature without overwhelming influence from non-state actors, whether the government itself abuses its power by ignoring the people’s interest, and whether the government is composed of fairly elected officials. Such an evaluation of government processes is calculated by analyzing the efforts put in place to prevent corruption, promote transparency, and ensure that fairly elected legislators can freely develop policy (Freedom House, 2018).  In other words, functioning of government refers to the different aspects, i.e. practices and actors, that contribute to how the government generates and regulates policy. It is the core of governance within a state.

Functioning of Government as A Necessity

The functioning of government is essential to having a “free” country- it defines the way policy is created and carried out. A government that functions corruptly, such as through interference from non-state, non-legislative actors, would completely undermine the role that the people have in the legislative process. The representation of interests of the citizens are essential to the definition of a free country. Without a government that functions to properly voice the requests of constituents, policy would be skewed by non-state actors and lack the interest of citizens, thus inhibiting the ability to be a truly free country. The people can only have control in their government if the structures of government enable their voices to be the leaders for legislators and procedure.

Functioning of Government in Bangladesh

Although there are many factors that contribute to evaluating the functioning of a government, the articles I studied surrounding leadership in Bangladesh are prime examples of how government functions are preventing their status as a “free” country.

The Guardian’s “Bangladesh’s PM rejects claims of repression: ‘I do politics for the people’” reports that the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, is denying claims that she is moving away from democracy and her governing behavior is becoming authoritarian.  Such accusations denied included unauthorized killings, arrest of activists, and restrictions on media (mostly from opposing parties). The military has reportedly been bought off by Hasina through increases in salary and budget, and in the process has become one of the biggest businesses in Bangladesh (Tisdall & Ridout, 2015).

Yes, the prime minister is just one person, and one person cannot accurately reflect the government as a whole. However, the prime minister, as the head of government in Bangladesh, arguably has the most power in the implementation of policy. The prime minister’s behavior, as well as considering the newfound embezzlement accusations against her predecessor, indicates an atmosphere of political corruption and inequality in Bangladesh as a whole. If the claims are true, then Hasina is asserting her own power in government through violence and illegal behavior at the expense of the power of the people.

New York Times article “Bangladesh Bank Chief Resigns After Cyber Theft of $81 Million” also sheds light on the possible corruption of a Bengali official.  The governor of Bangladesh’s central bank, Atiur Rahman, resigned and three of his staff members were fired after the claims. Two deputy bank governors and the Financial Institutions division secretary were also fired for claims that they kept the theft a secret from officials. The possibility to reclaim money as well as the reason why it took a month for this news to come out is unclear (Gladstone, 2016).

Again, I think that one case cannot define the political atmosphere in Bangladesh, but the more news that comes to light just adds onto this case of corrupt leadership. In addition to the oppression of opposition in politics, there seems to be a trend of the misuse of money within the government- embezzlement, missing money, paying off the military- and this is just from the limited information I’ve gotten from a handful of articles. I do not think that these can all be coincidences or just empty accusations.

On paper, Bangladesh is a “free” country, but it is when the leaders and social norms come into play that I can see the how the country is only “partly free”. The functioning of government in Bangladesh is filled with corruption and lacks transparency.

Works Cited

“Methodology: Freedom in the World 2018.” Methodology: Freedom in the World 2018 | Freedom House. April 19, 2018. Accessed October 19, 2018. https://freedomhouse.org/report/methodology-freedom-world-2018.

Gladstone, Rick. “Bangladesh Bank Chief Resigns After Cyber Theft of $81 Million.” The New York Times. January 19, 2018. Accessed October 19, 2018. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/16/world/asia/bangladesh-bank-chief-resigns-after-cyber-theft-of-81-million.html?rref=collection/timestopic/Bangladesh.

Tisdall, Simon, and Anna Ridout. “Bangladesh’s PM Rejects Claims of Repression: ‘I Do Politics for the People’.” The Guardian. September 21, 2015. Accessed October 19, 2018. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/sep/21/bangladesh-prime-minister-rejects-accusations-of-authoritarian-rule.

Freedom of Expression of Belief

Freedom House measures the “freedom of expression of belief” of a country by scrutinizing the vocal and practical flexibility allotted within public and private spaces in regards to topics such as religion and politics, as well as the amount of government interference and penalties (if any) regarding the expression of such beliefs.¹

Breakdown:
A “free” country allows for free and independent media with (no to) limited amounts of direct and indirect attempts at government influence. Writers should not be limited by censorship or “libel, blasphemy, or security” laws that enable governments to arrest journalists who are critical of the government. In addition to the freedom of journalists and media outlets, communities and religious institutions in an ideally “free” country should freely practice their faith without fear of repercussion (ex. arrests or harassment) from authorities or non-state actors. The government should not attempt to influence or limit such practices by controlling religious materials/sermons, requiring religious education, or imposing control over religious leaders. Academia should also be open to different political and religious teachings without interference from government promoting political propaganda or punishment for challenging political views. ¹

The power of political discussion in public and private spaces, as well as through technological communication, without penalties or overbearing government censorship is essential to creating an environment that fosters free expression and belief.

The Importance of Freedom of Expression and Belief

A free country gives people the independence to control their words and actions (political rights and civil liberties), rather than the government having total control. Therefore, the freedom of expression and belief is at the core of a free country- this ability to express one’s beliefs allows for the development of policy/a political system that consistently reflects the voice of the people. The suppression of expression would completely contradict the idea of a “free country” by disabling the voice of the people in making their own decisions.

Freedom of Expression and Belief in Bangladesh

BBC news article “Bangladesh students attacked during Dhaka protest” describes the aftermath of a protest over road safety after the death of two students. By the seventh day of protests, violence ensued and 25 (number not confirmed, some argue 100) students were injured. The government responded by enacting a 24-hour mobile internet block while authorities responded by using tear gas and rubber bullets. There were also reports of journalists being attacked and their equipment destroyed.²

As discussed in my first blog post, I believe that Bangladesh’s laws themselves are those of a considerably “free” country, but the political corruption and societal norms limit the freedom in execution. The stifling of expression in the country is key to such limitations; the students are protesting a serious issue that has caused multiple fatalities, but instead of responding to the needs and demands, the government (based on the article) largely ignores the protests and just blocks the internet. This action reflects both the blatant ignoring of the people’s voice but also the power that the government has in controlling media. The backlash that students received also prove the lack of freedom of expression in Bangladesh because it reflects the lack of safety associated with actually exercising the right to opinions and peaceful protest. In this case, the government, authorities, and non-state actors threaten the full potential of freedom of expression and belief.

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Bangladesh has an established secular government in order to ensure the safety of all religious groups and prevent persecution, however the effectiveness of this decision in a majority Muslim nation is questioned in International Policy Digest’s “Bangladesh: Religious Freedom is Dead”. There has been a rise in attacks against religious minorities, journalists, and foreigners. For example, attackers in a bakery in Dhaka chose their victims based on who could not recite the Quran. In addition to the non-state practices that establish Islam as the dominant force, the Hasina government gave into the demands of Islamist group Hefazat-e-Islam in removing the Lady Justice Statue from the court house. Hefazat-e-Islam has also demanded blasphemy laws and make a mandatory religious education.³

Even though having a secular state is not essential to having a state with freedom of expression and belief, in this case, the prevalence of radical Muslim groups is a threat to the safety of the expression of other religious groups and minorities. Even though the country is secular, the discrimination and violence threaten and prevent the practice of minority religions.

Works Cited

1. “Methodology: Freedom in the World 2018.” Freedom House. April 19, 2018. Accessed October 06, 2018. https://freedomhouse.org/report/methodology-freedom-world-2018.
2. “Bangladesh Students Attacked during Dhaka Protest.” BBC News. August 04, 2018. Accessed October 05, 2018. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-45069935?intlink_from_url=https://www.bbc.com/news/topics/c77jz3md7grt/bangladesh&link_location=live-reporting-story.
3. Ahmed, Zarif. “Bangladesh: Religious Freedom Is Dead.” International Policy Digest. August 08, 2017. Accessed October 05, 2018. https://intpolicydigest.org/2017/08/08/bangladesh-religious-freedom-is-dead/.

I chose Bangladesh because the name is familiar to me but I do not know much about the country itself. I knew that it was situated in South Asia, which is a region that I did not get the opportunity to focus on in high school besides a few moments of Indian history.

Welcome to Bangladesh

Located between India and Burma lies People’s Republic of Bangladesh (Bangladesh), a South Asian nation state home to over 157 million people. The majority of Bengalis are Muslim (89%), with a significant Hindu (10%) presence, as well as a small amount of other religions such as Buddhist and Christian. The most popular occupations in Bangladesh are in Agriculture (42%), followed by Services (36.9%) and Industry (20%). Bangladesh’s GDP per capita in 2017 was $4,200. About a quarter of the population lives below the poverty line- an unfortunate but realistic feature considering that the majority (42%) of Bengalis work in agriculture, a sector that only makes up 14.2% of the GDP.

Bangladesh has access to natural resources such as gas, arable land, timber, and coal, as well as is situated on the Ganges and Brahmaputra river systems. About 70% of the land is used for agriculture. Apart from the convenience of access to large water sources and the ideal tropical climate for agriculture, these same features also serve as obstacles as many areas are prone to floods and summer monsoons. Since the rivers don’t reach all parts of the country and there is a lack of effective water systems, many parts of Bangladesh, primarily in Northern Bangladesh, experience water shortages and drought.

Bangladesh’s location in between India and Burma has resulted in long term territorial and immigration issues.  For decades, Bangladesh has struggled to establish their maritime boundary claims with Burma and India. The few attempts to set such boundaries, such as the 1974 Land Boundary Agreement, were never enacted.  Since the 1990’s, Bangladesh has hosted Burmese refugees, a number which has grown from about 200,000 to the 900,000 that are there today.

Government in Bangladesh/ Freedom Rating explained

Bangladesh is categorized as a parliamentary republic- a state that has an executive power elected through the legislature’s vote. Bangladesh has a freedom rating of 4/7, a result of 4/7 for both the political rights and civil liberties.

Political Rights

In general, the rules and laws in Bangladesh allow for a considerable amount of political and civil freedom, however its implementation in a somewhat conservative and elitist state combined with a lack of efficient regulation makes it difficult for proper execution. For example, the two-party political system has been (currently Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Bangladesh Awami League) led by the same political elite Bengali families since the country’s independence. There can be third parties, which are usually weak because of a lack of popularity, but none are allowed to have a religious basis. For example, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami was banned from participation in the 2014 elections because of their Islamist charter. Significant parties that oppose the two parties have been met with harassment and arrest- thus indicating a lack of real political freedom.

Members of parliament are directly voted for by the public. Even then, discrimination toward religious minorities, women, and the LGBT also leaves them underrepresented in government. The government is flooded with corruption, criminality, political polarization, and lacks transparency, which allows for the lack of government accountability.

Civil Liberties

Similarly to political rights, civil liberties are relatively open in concept, but societal pressures and a lack of effective regulation allow for its limitation.

Most forms of expression, such as media, religion, academia, and speech are allowed in the constitution/law, but have pressures from groups and individuals that ensure that it continues to abide by the status quo. For example, art is consistently banned or censored. The state is secular, but the majority is Muslim and other religions are often discriminated against. There is a right to assembly as well as talking about politics, but normally gatherings of over 5 are banned, and excessive tensions between political groups make such acts extremely violent.

Looking Ahead

I believe that the law in Bangladesh itself has enough flexibility to allow for a free country, but there must be a mobilization of social movements to ensure that the minorities and oppressed groups currently shunned by Bengali society are represented. The government should also put in more efforts to regulate their own groups and policies- an effort that has been tactfully/purposefully overlooked in order to secure their own political power. I think that the assumptions I’ve made are also too confident for the limited amount of research I’ve done, but I look forward to learning more about Bangladesh and following their news for significant change throughout the semester.

Works Cited

“The World Factbook: BANGLADESH.” Central Intelligence Agency. September 19, 2018. Accessed September 29, 2018. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/bg.html

“The World Factbook: BANGLADESH.” Central Intelligence Agency. September 19, 2018. Accessed September 29, 2018. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/bg.html.

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