Darfur this Week: Week of August 15, 2008

US officially extends protected status for Sudanese residents
Secretary of Homeland Security Michael Chertoff has justified the extension of the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) to certain Sudanese nationals. The extension of the special status goes until May 2, 2010. The reasoning behind the extension is based on the fact that the conflict is ongoing and that the conditions that existed in 2004 that prompted the redesignation in October 2004 still exist. The US Immigration Act of 1990 granted nationals of designated countries TPS. As a result of a procedure established by Congress, the Attorney General can provide this status to aliens in the US who cannot return safely to their home country under certain conditions. TPS registrants can remain in the US and obtain work authorization. If they commit a crime, they may be deported. TPS does not lead to acquiring a green card. Bills pursuing permanent residence for those who have acquired the relief that the status brings to aliens have been shelved. Requirements for eligibility include having entered the country on or before October 7, 2004, and prohibits any individual who has either been a felon or has been found guilty of two or more misdemeanors. Approximately 500 Sudanese nationals are covered by the program.
Rebel groups must unite to reach lasting solution for Darfur – General Agwai

General Martin Luther Agwai, the Commander of UNAMID, told reporters that in order to achieve a lasting solution to the conflict in Darfur, there are a few prerequisites. First, the rebel movements must unify at the negotiating table. Secondly, the international community needs to continue to pressure the rebels as much as it has pressured the Sudanese government. The General is resolute and certain that both parties to the conflict should be put under “enough searchlight,” rather than only one party bearing the pressure of answerability to the investigations.
In reviewing what has occurred to the four rebel groups that were part of the Darfur Peace Agreement in Abuja in 2006, the General reports that there are now close to 30 groups on the ground, and many of them without cohesion.
Finally, the General does not see that there will be a winner in the conflict through a military response. More exactly, international efforts should focus on providing UNAMID all necessary troops and equipment, particularly helicopters.
UNAMID, Sudan discuss security situation in Darfur volatile camp

In a message of hope to the Sudanese who have been displaced from their homes as a result of the ongoing conflict, Henry Anyidoho, UNAMID’s Deputy Joint Special Representative, said that he intends that UNAMID will continue to address the much needed improvements in security for the IDPS at Kalma camp. In a visit to the Kalma camp, the representative has received reports of the deteriorating security situation in the camps. Arms and ammunition has been seized inside of the camp in July. Mr. Anyidoho met with South Darfur governor Ali Mahmoud to IDP Sheikhs at the camp, and members of the UN team and INGO’s. They discussed solutions to address the security concerns. The Governor has expressed his willingness to cooperate with UNAMID and has invited UNAMID to develop a joint strategy to concentrate on issues in the camp. Talks included certain of measures that should be taken in searching for arms and weapons inside of the camp.
Sudan’s Taha accuses Turabi party of stocking Darfur conflict
This week, the seventh convention of the Sudanese Islamic Movement has brought with it a contentious incongruity in viewpoints of the re-elected Secretary General of the Movement and the Popular Congress Party (PCP). Known for his dislike toward the PCP and the leadership of Hassan al-Turabi, the newly re-elected Ali Osmem Mohamed Taha appealed to attendees that for the PCP’s responsibility for war, displacement and disruption of developments in Darfur, the PCP should be sued. PCP leaders have recently turned down Bashir’s call for reunification of the Islamic movement, calling it an attempt to stir up religious feelings to generate popular support to counter calls for Bashir’s indictment. Taha clarified that the NCP does not wish to unify with the PCP and renounced the need to do so. In July, the PCP made a public statement that in place of Bashir indictment, the government should meet with non-signatory rebel groups and that those who are found guilty of Darfur crimes should be tried by Sudanese judges. Taha does not see the call for the unity of national ranks directed at the Sudanese Islamic Movement.
Victims of Genocide in Darfur: Past, Present, and Future

Eric Reeves reports the rise of malnutrition in Darfur with few prospects for improvement considering the horrible harvests and the increase in the price of food. The UN World Food Program cannot deliver full rations due to security concerns. In a detailed assessment of the current UN humanitarian official in Sudan, Ameerah Haq, Reeves finds that her fear of the Khartoum regime and news reporters has caused the deficiency in the broadcasting of the cases of malnutrition by the UN and INGOs. This has not helped those victimized in the conflict in gaining better health or in their dire need for living in security and free of being terrorized. Reeves also points out Ashraf Qazi, the UN special representative of the secretary-general to Sudan and his silence on the urgency of matters on the ground. Rodolphe Adada, AU/UN Joint Special Representative for Darfur is another official identified.
In his scathing look at the recent responses to the conflict, Reeves calls many of the international organizations making public statements about the recent announcement for ICC indictment hypocritical and politically motivated. His report suggests that much is lacking in the public outrage to the announcement. In and of itself, Reeves suggests that this is what Khartoum prefers. Reeves also points out the lack of clarity and persuasiveness for the surrender of leaders of the genocidal acts when there is a huge probability that others in the chain of command will be pointed to easily.
This report points out that the AU, members of the UN Security Council, the Organization of Islamic Conference, the Arab League and the Non-Aligned Movement are all refusing to confront Khartoum. Without a more purposeful commitment to bring a peace process forward that will replace the flawed Darfur Peace Agreement and to reach beyond the differences of the temperaments of the rebel groups and what divides them, the integrity of the attempts at building peaceful conditions that could lead to coexistence is impeded. As Reeves states and I agree with, the world sees tribal differences superseding the common good for non-Arabs and Arabs.
The report continues with a look at Khartoum’s response post-ICC announcement and the results of inadequate international action on the humanitarian situation in Darfur territory and in the camps. Finally, Reeves looks at the shortcomings of UNAMID citing a few reports including “Putting People First” conducted by the Darfur Consortium. The report asks a very pertinent question without an obvious answer: “Do we move ahead with the deployment of a force that will not make a difference, that will not have the capability to defend itself and that carries the risk of humiliation of the Security Council and the United Nations and tragic failure for the people of Darfur?”
From My Perspective:
International organizations, activists, reporters, governments and concerned citizens who cannot accept the lack of humanity in ethnic crimes of hate and persecution cannot be soft on crime. Clearly, intimidation can be used to govern the hearts and minds of people who will suffer just to survive and hope that in silence they can at least keep their own values and needs in tact. Survival mode isn’t an acceptable form of living for most people. How can we permit that it be acceptable for Darfurians? Leaders must stop focusing on stealing the free will of people and the choices they need to make to live full lives, without the imposition by those who see free will as a threat to their leadership and choices.
I recommend that those who are in the position to let the world see what is going on, do that and stop using a policy of negligence and regret when it comes to seeking a way to improve the life of those who suffer most in a conflict. To conform with decision-makers in authority to sidestep providing Darfurians their right for redress and justice that should lead to the end of human suffering is not acceptable. We should not continue to postpone setting in motion the right conditions for tribal needs to be set aside in the interest of common good and individual rights. By working cooperatively with international bodies and putting to rest to the concerns of various international bodies that are playing it safe when it comes to confronting Khartoum and the various splintered rebel groups is to choose to work for the greater cause. The world cannot acceptcriminality and impunity among rebel groups, civilians and Khartoum. Amnesty is not a very acceptable option and neither is a continual hunt for those who will continue to shift the blame up and down the chain of command in Sudan. Much can be learned from the approaches used in successful UN missions, like UNAMSIL in Sierra Leone.
I recommend that the UN act on what the UNAMID Panel Reports find. In addition, no progress will be made without including leaders of factions in peace talks to understand their demands and to invigorate disarmament in exchange for participation in development efforts. The agendas of the warlords must be understood and handled appropriately, while providing Darfur factions, like the Sierra Leonian RUF, participation in disarmament and demobilization and a reintegration process with the opportunity to have them take part in the upcoming election would prove successful. It appears that the Darfur Peace Agreement did more harm than good and the fact that the security and safety of the people in the region is contingent on failed peace talks and the results that occurred – and the lack of studies of the implications of this chain of events – reveals the gamble that has been taken in Sudan. Without the Sudanese government and the UN working to gain the trust of these factions, the region will continue to resemble more of a failed state.
Approaching the peace process in a holistic manner that takes into account
the future needs of the society in the region in conflict must include disarmament as soon as possible, development efforts, and the mission should be contingent on reasserting efforts rather than on incremental progress that may not be reached in the short term given the lack of inclusiveness that is the cause of the conflict. The security and safety within the region cannot be sacrificed when the consequence of failed efforts are not part of a peacekeeping mission.