Author Archives: Robert Faselt

An Afternoon Volunteering at the Middlebury College Organic Farm

Food Geographies                                                                                           Robbie Faselt

Work Activity Write-up                                                                                 11/20/14

 

On one beautiful Friday afternoon this October, I decided to make my way down to the Middlebury College Organic Farm and volunteer for a few hours partly for this class, but more because it was a beautiful fall day and I had never been down to the organic farm in my 2.5 years at Middlebury. I have no good reason why I had not been there before this fall, but I am certainly glad I finally made my way down there. The farm itself is beautiful and very well-kempt and the views of campus and of the Adirondacks and Green Mountains are simply stunning.

When I got down there after my last class of the day, I went over to the man in charge, Jay Leshinsky, and asked if there was anything I could do to help for a couple of hours. He said that a massive pile of compost just got delivered and that I could help spread it over the garden beds. So that is what I did for the next two hours. I got a wheelbarrow, filled it to the brim with compost, then wheeled it uphill to a bed with nothing currently growing in it, and unloaded the wheelbarrow so that I could spread it evenly throughout the bed. Over the two hours, I probably made about 20 trips up and down the hill and spread compost over three pretty long garden beds.

The work itself was physically strenuous, but pretty mind-numbing doing the same thing over and over again for two hours. But even though it was kind of boring, I made the most of it by taking in the beauty of Vermont and letting my mind drift. I was only working for two hours and I started to get bored, so I started thinking about the workers in the movie, Our Daily Bread, and what they must do to deal with the boredom associated with their jobs. I remember watching that movie and thinking that I could never do a job like the ones portrayed in the film. After two hours of moving compost up and down a hill, I got bored, so I cannot even imagine what it must be like for agricultural workers who perform tedious tasks, like picking fruit from trees or clipping chicks’ beaks, all day long. The way that the director of Our Daily Bread portrayed these workers doing their jobs with no narration or music and just natural sounds really got to me and showed the mind-numbingness of their jobs.

Having worked at the organic farm performing a menial task for two hours, seeing Our Daily Bread, and observing the Jamaican migrant workers at the apple orchard we visited, I have really learned to not take advantage of the all of the work that goes into the food I eat. Knowing that there are actual people performing tedious work day after day that contributes to the food that all of us eats really makes me think about where my food comes from and who had to do what so that it could make its way to my plate. I think that in general, people need to think more about the labor that goes into the food they eat.

One thing that I think can make this type of tedious food work more bearable is if one has company while doing it. During my last half hour of hauling compost, an acquaintance of mine who is one of the MCOF interns came to the farm and helped me out a little. Chatting with him while shoveling and spreading made it a lot more manageable and made me forget about the tediousness of the work. This also reminded me of our field trip to the apple orchard when we could hear the Jamaican workers talking and laughing with each other in the distance. The fact that they had each other’s company while they were picking apples throughout the day, I’m sure makes the long hours of performing the same task much more bearable. Comparing the Jamaican workers to some of the workers in Our Daily Bread who were working alone, made me realize that sharing an unpleasant experience with other people can make it a lot more tolerable. The connections that workers make with each other make their workspaces into places with meaning, which is what Doreen Massey means when she states that “space is constituted through interactions.”

Overall, I found my two hours at the organic farm to be very rewarding because it allowed me to gain just a little perspective on how agricultural laborers do their jobs. I definitely hope to return to the farm to volunteer next fall.

 

 

I have neither given nor received unauthorized aid on this assignment.

 

Robbie Faselt

Critical Book Review of Kitchen Confidential

Food Geographies                                                                                           Robbie Faselt

Critical Book Review                                                                                      11/17/14

 

Critical Book Review of Kitchen Confidential

Bourdain, Anthony. Kitchen Confidential: Adventures in the Culinary Underbelly. New York: Bloomsbury USA, 2000. Print.

 

Kitchen Confidential is a very informative book about the restaurant industry written by a man who knows so much about it. Anthony Bourdain, who today is better known for his television shows, describes his life in relation to food. He begins with stories of some of his first experiences with food as a child and then continues to guide the reader through his ascent through the restaurant industry from dishwasher at a seaside restaurant in Providence, Rhode Island to head chef at his own French bistro in New York City. Throughout his career, Bourdain worked in dozens of restaurants, some for a significant amount of time and others for literally one day. At each of these eateries, Bourdain had to work with a variety of people in the same physical space, from sous-chefs to line cooks to expediters to runners to waiters to managers to owners, and each of these people viewed the same physical space as a different place, which Yi-Fu Tuan defines as “humanized space, an abstract world made real through human inhabitation” (Jackson, 2006). Doreen Massey describes place as a “sphere of possibility of the existence of multiplicity” meaning that people can see the same space in different ways, each person having their own feeling of place for the same physical space (Massey, 1994). She also describes places as processes, meaning one’s sense of a space can change over time, and this definition of place can be applied to how Bourdain views the restaurant kitchen over the course of his career (Massey, 1994). In Kitchen Confidential, it is clear that Bourdain’s feeling of place for the many restaurants in which he has worked differed from his coworkers’ feeling of place of the same restaurants, but at the same time, as Bourdain’s career progressed, so did his perception of the space that is the restaurant kitchen.

Bourdain’s first experience in the restaurant industry came about when he followed his friends to Providence, Rhode Island one summer during college. In order to make some money, Bourdain worked as a dishwasher at a small seafood restaurant called the Dreadnaught. When he first started working, Bourdain viewed the eatery solely as a temporary source of money because he hated the tedious work of scraping plates, peeling potatoes, and cleaning shrimp. But through the ways in which he describes the people who he worked with in the kitchen, it is clear that these people viewed the Dreadnaught’s kitchen in a completely different way. To these cooks, working at the Dreadnaught was their year-round job and although they took their jobs seriously, they also had a lot of fun, joking with each other as they worked and drinking with each other during breaks and after their shifts. Whereas Bourdain saw the Dreadnaught kitchen as a mandatory space where he had to go to make money, his coworkers viewed the same space as a place where they could spend time with each other working hard and having fun, which also gets at Massey’s idea that space is constituted by interactions between people (Massey, 1994).

Bourdain’s view of the Dreadnaught’s kitchen differed from his coworkers’ view, but as time progressed, his feeling of place for the kitchen changed as well. The next summer in Providence, the Dreadnaught was bought by the restaurant down the road and turned into a larger, more upscale eatery. It was also staffed with cooks with a lot more experience than the previous ones, so when Bourdain returned to try to get his job from the previous summer, he had to shadow one of the cooks to see if he was up to the task. During this shadowing, the Dreadnaught kitchen became a completely new place for him. Now it was a place for learning. While shadowing a broiler cook named Tyrone, Bourdain was amazed by the atmosphere in the kitchen. He describes the atmosphere as, “…hulking giants [dancing] wordlessly around each other in the cramped, heavily manned space behind the line without ever colliding or wasting a moment” (Bourdain, 2000, 32). Now the space that Bourdain originally associated with tedious work was a place where he could learn from some of the best in the business. When he did not get his job back, the space also became the place that cemented his passion for cooking and inspired him to continue his culinary education by applying to the Culinary Institute of America. But, for the cooks like Tyrone, the Dreadnaught kitchen was seen as a place where they had to get their work done by collaborating in order to “satisfy customers, alleviate tension in each other’s jobs, and make a profit” (Fine, 2009).

Another restaurant in which Bourdain worked and the first place where he was the head chef was a small boutique restaurant in New York City’s theater district called Tom H. Bourdain viewed the restaurant as a great opportunity to try his hand at being a head chef so early on in his career (he was only 22). The restaurant was owned by an old couple who had many connections in the entertainment industry, so the eatery got a lot of press at first due to its famous customers, but the restaurant never became the hip pre and post-theater place that the owners, Tom and Fred, wanted it to be. Instead, business was almost always very slow and everyone who worked there including Bourdain could see the restaurant’s demise coming, so Bourdain decided to jump ship at the first possible opportunity. But, Bourdain does not look back at his time at Tom H. with regret. Even though it was not as successful as he hoped, Bourdain views the space of the Tom H. kitchen as the place where he got his first experience as a chef. He got to be in control of the kitchen and the cooks that worked in it, which is something he had previously never done. His sense of place for the space of the restaurant kitchen changed since his time at the Dreadnaught, which coincides with how Massey describes place, which is that it is a process, and not something that is frozen in time (Massey, 1994).

On the other hand, the owners of Tom H., Tom and Fred, viewed the same space completely differently. As owners, the success of the establishment mattered a lot more for them than it did for Bourdain. In fact, Prole writes that restaurant owners’ main responsibility is to make sure that the establishment is making money (Prole, 2010). According to Bourdain, Tom and Fred hoped that Tom H. would be a huge success so that the couple could retire with a comfortable amount of money. Tom and Fred viewed Tom H. as a way to make money so that they could end their careers, whereas Bourdain looks back at his time at Tom H. as just one of many stepping stones in his career path. This is another example of inhabitants of the same space creating different places out of said space.

A last space in which Bourdain works that demonstrates his changing view of the restaurant kitchen and how his view differs from his coworkers’ views is Les Halles, a French bistro in New York City. At the time of publication of Kitchen Confidential, Bourdain was the head chef of Les Halles, which was a very successful, upscale establishment. From reading his “Day in the Life” chapter, it is clear that Bourdain views the Les Halles kitchen as his own place. No more is the restaurant kitchen a place to make money, a place to learn, or a place to gain experience. It is now a place where Bourdain can be in control of many workers and machines and all of the interactions that happen between them. Anything that happens in the kitchen reflects his leadership so that means all food that leaves the kitchen is a reflection on him, even if he had no part in making it (Fine, 2009). In this chapter, Bourdain has to deal with everything from ordering food from various companies, to cooks’ requests for higher wages, to expediting finished orders, to actually cooking. He has many responsibilities that he has to be concerned about at all times.

Although Bourdain, the head chef, sees the Les Halles kitchen as a place he has to keep under control, each of the individual workers in the kitchen views the same space differently. For example, Miguel is the French fry cook at Les Halles, so he views the kitchen as a place where he has to do everything in the process of making French fries (Prole, 2010). This includes cutting, peeling, and blanching potatoes, dropping the fries into oil, and then seasoning and plating them. Even though there are many other cooks doing different things all around him, to Miguel, the space that is the Les Halles kitchen is a place where he makes French fries. But because space is constituted through interactions, his view of the kitchen is also a result of the ways in which he interacts with his fellow cooks. The combination of Miguel’s interactions with machinery and with other people makes his Les Halles kitchen a different place then Mohammed, the food runner’s Les Halles kitchen, because Mohammed has a completely different set of interactions. Workers’ interactions with each other and with machinery create different visions of place in the same space.

Geographers can learn a lot about Doreen Massey’s definitions of space and place by reading Anthony Bourdain’s Kitchen Confidential. Her idea that the same space can be viewed in a variety of ways to create different places is demonstrated throughout the book with Bourdain and his coworkers viewing the same space as completely different places. Massey’s other idea that people’s conception of place is always in the process of being made is demonstrated perfectly by Bourdain’s view of the restaurant kitchen. At first the kitchen is a mandatory place to go and perform tedious tasks for a little money, but by the end of the book, Bourdain comes to love the restaurant kitchen and now sees it as a place in which he has complete control. Not only is Kitchen Confidential a very informative book about the restaurant industry in general, but there is also much to analyze about the book geographically, particularly in looking at the restaurant kitchen as both a space and a place.

 

I have neither given nor received unauthorized aid on this assignment.

 

Robbie Faselt

 

Works Cited

Bourdain, Anthony. Kitchen Confidential: Adventures in the Culinary Underbelly. New York: Bloomsbury USA, 2000. Print.

 

Fine, Gary Alan. “The Kitchen as a Space and Place.” In: The Culture of Restaurant Work. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009.

 

Jackson, Peter. “Thinking Geographically.” In: Geography (9)13:199-204, 2006.

 

Massey, Doreen. Space, Place, and Gender. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994.

 

Prole. Abolish Restaurants: Worker’s Critique of the Food Service Industry. Oakland: PM Press, 2010.

 

Op-Ed: Servers and the Ebb and Flow of Restaurant Business

Food Geographies                                                                                           Robbie Faselt

Op-Ed                                                                                                             10/29/14

 

Servers and the Ebb and Flow of Restaurant Business

The restaurant server is one of the most popular jobs in the country and according to the National Restaurant Association, currently, 1 in 12 Americans work in the restaurant industry and about 50 percent of all adults have worked in the industry at some point during their lives. The industry is clearly very large with over 13 billion workers, but overall, workers in the industry do not get paid very well. According to the U.S. Department of Labor (DOL), the average annual salary for a server is just over $20,000. In fact, servers are twice as likely to use food stamps as the rest of the U.S. workforce and three times as likely to be living in poverty.

The main reason for this is the existence of the tipped minimum wage, which since 1991 has stayed set at $2.13 per hour. Not many people even realize that the tipped minimum wage exists, but according to the DOL, servers in 43 states get paid less than the regular minimum wage hourly based on the assumption that the rest of their wages will come from customer tips. In fact, 22 states pay their tipped workers less than $3 per hour.

Although tips can often lead to servers making well over regular minimum wage per hour, overall, tips are very inconsistent and are completely dependent on restaurant customers. Not only does the customer decide how much to tip based on his/her enjoyment of the dining experience, but also servers need busy restaurants in order to make good money.

There is an ebb and flow to the restaurant business both daily and on a seasonal basis. The average restaurant is open for lunch and dinner and that means that there are two blocks of time a day in which restaurants are filled with customers. From about 11:30 AM to 1:30 PM, many customers come in for lunch and from 5:30 PM to about 8:00 PM, there is a dinner rush. During these periods, servers receive many tips due to the large volume of customers. But during the period between the lunch and dinner rushes and the period after the dinner rush, generally, restaurants receive a lot fewer customers, which is something I can attest to having worked in a restaurant this past summer. During these down periods, servers are not acquiring many tips, which means they do not have much to supplement their hourly wage.

In addition, restaurant business is very dependent on the time of the year. While these seasonal fluctuations may not affect restaurants in major cities to a great extent, restaurants located in towns in touristy regions have a tourist season, in which restaurants are usually busy, but during the rest of the year, business declines. In terms of server wages at these restaurants, they are much higher during the tourist season, but servers often struggle to makes ends meet during the longer offseason.

From a personal experience of working in a restaurant located in a touristy town, I found these fluctuations in business to be a reality. I worked in a restaurant in Williamstown, Massachusetts, which gets very busy in the summer due to a renowned theater festival. During the summer, the restaurant was completely filled almost every night of the week and all of the servers made well over regular minimum wage. But after the theater festival ends every summer, sales decrease and servers receive fewer tips due to the decline in customers. I did not work past the summer tourist season, but I learned from some of my coworkers who work as servers year-round that during the offseason, they make just over minimum wage and many of them take on other jobs just so that they can afford rent.

Also, there are certain days throughout the year that are generally very slow business days nationwide. According to Blue Sky Local, a company that tracks restaurant sales, 61 percent of restaurants report a decline in sales during a holiday or major event. A report by the National Employment Law Project gives examples of servers who worked on Super Bowl Sunday that made a total of $10 in tips in a day.

Servers deserve to be paid more, but due to the ebb and flow of the restaurant business both daily and on a seasonal basis and servers’ reliance on tips to make a living, they do not make much money during “down periods” in business. One way to ameliorate this would be for new legislation that states that employers must pay their employees the regular state minimum wage rather than the tipped minimum wage during these “down periods.” These “down periods” should be defined as the period between the lunch and dinner rushes and the period after the dinner rush, as well as during the tourist offseason when restaurants report decreased sales. By enacting this legislation, servers would not be so reliant on tips, would be more financially secure, and would have some income that they could rely on during “down periods” in business.

 

I have neither given nor received unauthorized aid on this assignment.

Robbie Faselt

 

Works Cited

The Aspen Institute. Reinventing Low Wage Work: The Restaurant Workforce in the United States. Rep. The Aspen Institute, 2012. Web. 30 Oct. 2014. <http://www.aspenwsi.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/The-Restaurant-Workforce-in-the-United-States.pdf>.

Bittman, Mark. “A Valentine for Restaurant Workers.” The New York Times. The New York Times, 13 Feb. 2014. Web. 30 Oct. 2014. <http://www.nytimes.com/2014/02/14/opinion/bittman-a-valentine-for-restaurant-workers.html?_r=0>.

Blue Sky Local. Why Your Restaurant Is Losing $30,000 a Year & You Don’t Know It. Rep. Blue Sky Local, 2012. Web. 30 Oct. 2014. <http://www.blueskylocal.com/restaurant-research/SSR%20Insights%20-%20Bluesky%20Local%20-%20October%202009.pdf>.

Kilhefner, Johnny. “The Average Yearly Income for Fine Dining Servers.” Work. The Houston Chronicle, 2013. Web. 30 Oct. 2014. <http://work.chron.com/average-yearly-income-fine-dining-servers-20195.html>.

Myotte, Maria. “Op-Ed: Restaurant Servers Can’t Live on $2.13 an Hour.” Yahoo! News. Yahoo!, 11 Dec. 2013. Web. 30 Oct. 2014. <http://news.yahoo.com/op-ed-restaurant-servers-39-t-live-2-010524712.html>.

National Restaurant Association. 2013 Restaurant Industry Pocket Factbook. Rep. National Restaurant Association, 2013. Web. 30 Oct. 2014. <http://www.restaurant.org/Downloads/PDFs/News-Research/Factbook2013_LetterSize.pdf>.

Nayak, Rajesh, and Paul Sonn. Restoring the Minimum Wage for America’s Tipped Workers. Rep. National Employment Law Project, 2009. Web. 30 Oct. 2014. <http://nelp.3cdn.net/f6df4ed353601d4c50_x6m6iy650.pdf>.

U.S. Department of Labor. Minimum Wages for Tipped Employees. Rep. U.S. Department of Labor Wage and Hour Division, Dec. 2011. Web. 30 Oct. 2014. <http://www.dol.gov/whd/state/tipped2012.htm>.

 

Dinner Rush Response

Food Geographies                                                                                           Robbie Faselt

Dinner Rush Response                                                                                   10/14/14

 

Bob Giraldi’s 2000 film, Dinner Rush, not only depicts an entertaining story that takes place in a single setting over the course of single night, but it also does a great job of portraying work and workers in a restaurant. The film clearly depicts an intense, busy workplace with a variation of different interactions between restaurant employees that shows these employees acting in their own interest. These interactions take place not only between just the “back of the house” or just the “front of the house,” but also across the two main spaces that make up Gigino’s. These interactions are the result of each employee seeing the space that is Gigino’s in a different way, but mostly as a place that needs to be taken advantage of for personal gain.

One interaction that displays the head chef’s motives is when Chef Udo tells a line cook to go home because he is not chopping vegetables correctly and has a dull knife. The main reason why he does this is because as Fine points out, “[The cooks’] doings determine others’ judgments of his or her competence (Fine, 90).” Udo sends the line cook home because he does not want the cook’s poor chopping ability to be representative of the food that he is sending out to the customers, who know that Udo is the head chef.

Another instance of an interaction between employees that shows the cutthroat nature of the atmosphere of Gigino’s is when one of the servers takes a plate of food out of another server’s hand so that she can use it for one of her tables. Although, in theory, restaurants are a place where “collaboration is essential,” there is also competition between servers due to the fact that the majority of a server’s income comes from tips (Fine, 87). According to Fine, “…the customer controls the server through the power of the tip,” which is why the server in the film who stole a plate of food from another server is inclined to act in this way.

Another major interaction that occurs between employees at Gigino’s is the interaction between owner and head chef, father and son. Throughout the film, Louis is seen asking his son, Udo, to make the menu include more wholesome, old-fashioned Italian food. Udo wants to create more creative dishes in the nouvelle cuisine form and is seen asking his father to stay out of the kitchen and to let him have control over the food. Louis never exerts his power over Udo and instead gets his old-fashioned Italian food from Duncan, one of the sous chefs, who makes him special dishes. Even though Louis is acting selfishly in this instance, trying to get his son to change the menu, he never enforces his power, which goes against Prole’s stereotype of an owner in Abolish Restaurants, which states that owners have to make sure that “employees have to be constantly coerced, monitored, and played off against one another (Prole, 32).”

Each of the employees at Gigino’s sees the restaurant in a different way. Chef Udo sees it as a place where people will eat his food and pass judgment on it, the servers see it as a place where they need to work as hard as they can in order to be tipped nicely, and Louis sees it as the owner, making sure everything runs smoothly, while at the same time trying to improve it by attempting to change the menu. The fact that these employees of the same exact space can see it in different ways is explained by Doreen Massey’s idea that space is a sphere of possibility of the existence of multiplicities.

 

I have neither given nor received unauthorized aid on this assignment.

Robbie Faselt

Works Cited

Fine (2009) Kitchens: The Culture of Restaurant Work.

 

Giraldi, B. (Director). (2000). Dinner Rush. USA: New Line Home Entertainment.

 

Prole (2010) Abolish Restaurants: Worker’s Critique of Food Service Industry.

Assignment 2: The Geography of Work in The Real Dirt on Farmer John

Food Geographies                                                                                           Robbie Faselt

Film Analysis                                                                                                 9/25/14

 

The Geography of Work in The Real Dirt on Farmer John

The depiction of work and workers in the food industry in Taggart Siegel’s 2005 documentary, The Real Dirt on Farmer John, is very interesting. This well-made documentary tells the story of John Peterson, a quirky, eccentric Midwestern farmer whose family has owned the same farm in the rural area outside of Chicago, Illinois since the early 1900s. The film covers the Peterson’s farm from its time of being a family farm when John was a child, through its period as a hippie art commune in the 1970s, through its decline in the 1980s, through its resurgence as an organic farm in the 1990s, to its present incarnation as Angelic Organics, a CSA (community supported agriculture) farm. Each of the chapters of the Peterson family farm’s history involved different sets of workers contributing to the large amounts of work that are necessary to keep a farm running. From a few family members doing all of the work of the farm from the early 1900s to the 1960s to over a thousand families helping out on the farm today, it is clear that the concept of work on farms has drastically changed since the days of the family farm. Looking at how farm workers are depicted in this film throughout the years is very interesting, especially if one analyzes the change in worker composition from a geographical perspective looking at the geographical terms of space and place and proximity and distance.

In the early 1900s, John Peterson’s grandfather bought the land that would eventually become the Peterson family farm. From then until the 1960s, when Peterson’s father died of diabetes, the Peterson family ran the farm and did all of the work that was required of running the small farm. In the film, Peterson describes that as a child, he remembers his father, uncle, and grandfather performing most of the work required in the fields cultivating crops like, wheat. The rest of his family would also help out around the farm, which included pigs, chickens, and dairy cows. The Peterson family farm and the many other family farms in the surrounding area were truly family affairs with no one but family members working on the farms. In Thinking Geographically, Peter Jackson talks about the geographical terms of space and place and attributes the idea that place is humanized space that is given a meaning to Yi-Fu Tuan (Jackson, 199). When thinking about this definition, it is clear that the Peterson family farm is a place in the eyes of the Peterson family because for over 50 years, members of the Peterson family had not only been working day and night to keep their farm profitable, but they also built the infrastructure of their farm and have been living on it ever since John’s grandfather bought the land in the early 1900s. Even after the death of John’s father, when John became in charge of the farm and the rest of his family moved elsewhere, the space of the Peterson farm was still a place and has remained a place in the eyes of its workers throughout its many incarnations from family farm to CSA farm.

The failure of the Peterson family farm was not a unique occurrence and in fact, the family farm was in a huge decline in the 1980s. According to Thomas Lyson, from 1950 to 1980, 175 million acres of farmland were converted to land used for other purposes, and this is due to the fact that farming in America became consolidated to a small amount of large-scale farms that could be more efficient in producing huge crop yields (Lyson, 20). In the film, there are many images of collapsing family farms that are being encroached upon by brand new suburbs because with farming now occurring on massive farms run by corporations, family farms could no longer stay in business.

In order to revive his farm in the early 1990s, John Peterson decided to try and start an organic farm, which he called Angelic Organics. After a year or so of trying to grow over 30 different organic crops and not having much success, John was about to give up, but instead he decided to collaborate with a CSA group from Chicago. The idea of making a farm into a CSA farm allows for consumers to help out local farmers, while at the same time becoming involved in the production of the food they consume. The way it works is that local community members become investors in the farm by paying a yearly fee and helping out with the labor involved in producing organic crops in return for three months of delivery of organic produce from the farm during the harvest season. Now, the farm workers on the Peterson farm are a combination of the over one thousand families that are investors of Angelic Organics, farm interns who help John out year round, and Mexican immigrants.

For the investors of the CSA farm, the space where their food is produced turns into a humanized place where they actually contribute to help produce food. Instead of food coming from some corporate-owned mega-farm and then being shipped across the country to a grocery store, CSA investors actually know the place where their food comes from. Also, instead of not even thinking about the laborers who are involved in the food industry, they themselves become laborers and they get to know the other laborers on the farm who work year round. CSA investors can also turn the physical distance between them and where their food comes from into imagined proximity, which Jackson argues is unrelated to physical distance (Jackson, 200). Even if the investors live hundreds of miles away from the CSA farm, they have been to the farm and know where their produce comes from, so the imagined distance is much closer.

With the transition of the Peterson farm to a CSA farm, Angelic Organics has been very successful and John Peterson has successfully saved his family’s farm from being developed on. Wendell Berry would be a fan of the idea of CSA farms because he truly believes that food is a cultural product and that one cannot have agriculture without culture (Berry, 20). CSA farms, and especially Angelic Organics, create a community that revolves around the farm and are completely devoid of corporate influence, which is something that Berry thought was harmful to agriculture.

The depiction of workers in the food industry in The Real Dirt on Farmer John is very interesting as the viewer gets to see the transition from farm work on a family farm in the middle of the 20th century to work on the same land but on a CSA farm in the present. Throughout the Peterson family farm’s history, the farm has been a geographical place to the many people who have worked on it over the years. Although, the farm has been located at the same geographical location throughout the years, its workers have given the farm many meanings throughout its many incarnations, making the same space a new place for each group of workers.

 

I have neither given nor received unauthorized aid on this assignment.

Robbie Faselt

 

Bibliography

Berry, W. (2002) “How We Grow Food Reflects Our Virtues and Our Vices” In: Pence, G. (Ed) The Ethics of Food: A Reader for the 21st Century. Rowman and Littlefield: 5-25.

 

Jackson, P. (2006) “Thinking Geographically” Geography, 91(3), 199-204.

 

Lyson, T. (2004) “Chapter 2: From Subsistence to Production” Civic Agriculture. Tufts University Press: Medford.

 

The Real Dirt on Farmer John. Dir. Taggart Siegel. CAVU Pictures, 2005.

 

Here’s a link to the word document: rwf geog200 assignment 2