Category Archives: Corinne

In the post-war context, the competition to prioritize the national agenda is strong. Everyone – from foreign aid organizations, UN consultants, to government officials, to entrepreneurs to religious leaders – is clamoring to shine the spotlight on the most pressing issue that must be addressed. Some say economic development will bring peace, while others say that is impossible: peaceful bridges must be forged between communities before economic prosperity can be viable. It is clear that in Mindanao, as in every other conflict-stricken homeland, only locals know what is most important and what solutions are viable.

What should be done is only for local Mindanaoans to decide for themselves. Another “outsiders” opinion of what should be happening in Mindanao is irrelevant. However in this blog I’d like to offer my humble opinion, and a lens of analysis for solutions, building upon the priority most referenced in the field: land as the major root cause of the conflict.

Land use, management, ownership, and land rights are an incendiary cause of conflict across Mindanao. These are common theme of most conflict areas around the world: violent inter-state conflict is directly linked to natural resources. Mindanao’s rich biodiversity and natural resource wealth are a major point of contention in negotiations for Moro autonomy in the new Bangsamoro, for the current ARMM government, the national Philippine government, and private stakeholders. Legitimate sovereignty and resource wealth is in conflict.

While this may seem like a logical cause of conflict – armed violence fighting over natural riches – only in the past five years have solutions been sought from these same sources. Environmental peacebuilding is newly forming field of academics, policy and development practice that examines the role of environmental factors in moving towards a sustainable peace.

Environmental peacebuilding offers an alternative theoretical framework on conflict and human security. There are clear connections between natural resources and conflict. First, natural resources contribute to armed conflict in states of resource scarcity, the struggle for access, equity and benefits, environmental degradation, poor public participation in resource governance, lack of mechanisms for resource dispute resolution, and transboundary impacts. Second, natural resources can sustain and finance conflicts. Resources drive violent conflict in the struggle to capture resources (e.g. Virunga in the DRC), to capture territory, as a source of conflict financing, and motivation for recruitment. Lastly, natural resources and environmental issues can spoil peacebuilding. Economic incentives provided by intense resource extractive industries reinforce political divisions, barring peace negotiations and equitable development. Environmental damage caused by armed conflict spoils progress in its physical destruction to landscapes, livelihoods, and water sources.

By recognizing the linkages between natural resources and conflict, environmental peacebuilding seeks to center interdependence on shared resources as a driver for conflict resolution. It’s mission is to create and sustain a cooperative, progressive peace, not just the absence of violence. It seeks to provide a collaborative framework centered on an ecosystems perspective. Environmental peacebuilding integrates the fields of political science, policy-making, economics, natural resource management, psychology, and sociology, and conflict resolution in striving for and sustaining solutions for equitable resource management that is both stable and resilient.

This semester, my last at MIIS, I participated in a workshop entitled “Peacemaking and the Environment” with adjunct professor Todd Walters. He is an active environmental peacebuilding practitioner and Executive Director of Peace Park Expeditions. Throughout the two-weekend workshop experience, my four classmates and I gained exposure to the academics, policy and practice of environmental peacebuilding, methodologies of analysis and interviewed practitioners via Skype from Boston to the Democratic Republic of Congo. In my next blog posts I will discuss one analytical tool, the Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment (PCIA) methodology, its application to the land conflict in Mindanao, and some of my projects’ key findings.

“Peacebuilding is creating the opportunity for shared experiences,” Todd Walters, activist and adjunct professor, told our workshop class. The workshop was a 2-credit course on Peacemaking and the Environment, and concluded last weekend. It was an incredible learning experience that I will write more about in another blog post. Essentially, peacebuilding is a social, political, economic and environmental movement striving for transformation from conflict to a state of harmony, functional tolerance, and peace. As a thriving academic field, it articulates the integration of conflict resolution, international development practice and policy, anthropology, economics, social welfare, and security studies.

But how is peacebuilding actually practiced? In the torrential cycle of militant and structural violence, what actions are being taken, and by who? What are the solutions that peacebuilding offers?

Catholic Relief Services (CRS) is spearheading peacebuilding practice through programs not only in Mindanao, but worldwide. The CRS strategy is to “bridge relationships, transform structure, and build peace.” CRS Philippines Peace and Reconciliation program (based in Davao) seeks to address one of the fundamental issues of conflict in Mindanao: land.

Approaching the land conflict, CRS operates through the “A3B” program – Applying the 3 B’s (Binding, Building, and Bridging) to land conflict in Mindanao. The initiative involves a staged approach that is a not linear or sequential, and different processes for different groups.

1. Binding – Intrapersonal efforts at self transformation, including inter-religious dialogue and trauma healing
2. Bonding – Training traditional religious leaders, group conflict analysis, organized group celebrations
3. Bridging –Inter-group reconciliation efforts, such as joint leader training

CRS is effective in leveraging partnerships to nurture relationships between and within different state and non-state groups. Although founded in the beliefs and institutions of the Catholic Church, CRS is committed to helping everyone. They are effective because they engage in all levels of activity, from the grassroots, to civil society institutions, to top-level government, religious and military leaders. Specifically, they focus human and capital resources into strengthening communication in peace networks, peace education, conflict mitigation in land-related issues, peace and conflict mapping, disaster response, and development assistance

According to CRS, not all development projects are peacebuilding projects. Many development projects exacerbate competition and corruption over where money gets spent, and cause more community conflict. However, development projects can become peacebuilding work, with the proper set of processes built in to transform relationships.

MIIS students have partnered with CRS before in other fieldwork course with Dr. Iyer and the Center for Conflict Studies. We were very fortunate to have the opportunity to have CRS host us in Mindanao. Through their peacebuilding network of partners and allies, we were able to meet incredible individuals and a wide range of peacebuilding actors working to bring peace and inclusion for all people in Mindanao.

Catholic Relief Services (CRS), our host organization during the course, operates based on a framework of analysis that recognizes the many facets of society in conflict.

The 5 “Eyes” of Conflict

• Institutions: Systematic level – bias, prejudice, and structural conflict
• Identities: Relational level – political conflict among different ethnic and religious groups
• Income: Material level – stratification of wealth causing inequality and stagnated human development
• International forces: external level – includes irresponsible development, international aid, multi-national organizations, foreign investment, foreign owned agribusiness, etc. exacerbate land conflict
• Interactions: the interaction between all systems described above.

CRS is a cornerstone of the peacebuilding movement in Mindanao. When speaking about “the conflict” in academic or policy circles, or the international media, the nuance of what is happening is often lost. Glossy headlines perpetuate fear, mistrust, and marginalization of Mindanaoans from the rest of the Philippines, Southeast Asia, and the international community. After two weeks of fieldwork we learned that the conflict is branded as religious, but is outstandingly about land. Over generations of migration, displacement, violence and political turmoil, fighting groups are given a label by their ethnic or religious identity, instead of their cause. This classification of groups – their mission, traits, and traditions – has amplified over generations and through many violent clashes. Thus it is important to remember individuals’ and communities’ involvement in conflict across the 5 “Eyes” or levels of conflict, and avoid bias and prejudices.

For more on Catholic Relief Services’ approach to conflict and peace building, see their website.

The passage of the Bangsamoro Basic Law presents many challenges and uncertainties to the future of Mindanaoans. Every stakeholder has a dramatically different perspective of the passage of the law and what it will mean for peace. At one town hall meeting, our questions about the BBL drew blank stares. To our surprise and alarm, they had never heard of it, and had no opinion of its future. Others in the region are politically engaged through the larger peacebuilding network, and hold hopes that since it has been such a long, consultative process drawing up the legislation and terms of the BBL, it will surely pass. There are spoilers absolutely, however the majority are committed to peace. Others express high hopes that the BBL will not only pass, but shine as an international example to warring parties worldwide of a pluralist democracy that incorporates traditional judicial and legal systems, like Sharia law.

Many expressed positive sentiments that it is the best we have, so it will surely pass. “Catch the chicken and divide it later.” But for some, that is not sufficient, nor realistic. Astonishingly, the BBL does not integrate the demands of the Indigenous Peoples (IP). The BBL would dissolve the ARMM and create a new autonomous region of the Bangsamoro. This new governance structure does not include any mention of the Indigenous Peoples chief concern: ancestral domains. These are lands, waterways, and coastal areas historically inhabited by the IP, Mindanao’s first occupants. Furthermore, there is no mention of IPRA, the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act. Enacted in 1997, it is a key piece of national legislation that recognizes and promotes the rights of indigenous communities. While the IP are a part of the ongoing inter-religious dialogue initiatives, the Muslim-Christian conflict is the primary concern. There is acknowledgement of ethnic differences between Moro and IP, that is somewhat integrated into the collective identity, the Bangsamoro, calling for equality of identities. The BBL recognizes the IP’s right to “tribal customary law,” however the law does not outline specific policies promoting IP rights, nor prioritize IP land sovereignty.

The fact is that Indigenous Peoples remain the most marginalized in Mindanao society. They live in the highlands, with less access to basic services, quality education, employment opportunities, and are left to farm the least fertile lands. Despite development assistance programs, it is estimated that up to 70 percent of Indigenous Peoples live below the poverty line.

If the same people that are marginalized by development, are marginalized by the peace process ,there can never be justice nor lasting peace.

On January 13, I wrote about our visit to a rural elementary school in a Zone of Peace:

“Our first community visit today, in that we had a chance to walk around a barangay. We followed dirt roads dissecting blocks of four to six home compounds, alive like the many tall palms and flowering vegetation all around. Colorful laundry hung in front, dogs and poultry scattered around the front yards. Some elderly men and women rested in front porches. We reached the school, and went right inside. No second thoughts. “This is a School of Peace” declares the sign, just like every school we pass. Before long, word gets around and the chorus of shouts from the classrooms grows louder and louder.

We are swarmed by over 100 school children. There is no other word for it. We are swarmed. At first, they are shy and well behaved when we walked into the 3^rd grade classroom. By instruction of their teacher, they sing two songs, loud and in chorus, like rain on my soul. As we move on down the yard, the swarm roars – jumping, shouting, laughing, calling children who have never seen foreigners before, only on TV. Pure joy and curiosity. I smiled back and didn’t want to linger in the heat, but also put too hard of an impression on them (I guess in some ways I was shy too) and impress their innocence, like a thumb pressed against cookie dough. We walked over to watch the teachers’ dance, kept in pace by the most glamorous of dance instructors. Through the whole thing, they never missed a beat.”

Photo by Dr. Iyer

Gay rights an underground movement growing slowly across Southeast Asia, and even in Mindanao. Without a doubt, the violence of the political and religious conflict dominates the cultural landscape in the struggle for self-determination and autonomy. Human rights is discussed in terms of battling prejudice and clan-fueled revenge killings (rido), or the rights of the internally displace, or Indigenous Peoples. Civil rights are a legal battlefield between clashing ideological systems, where different groups are fighting to live by religious creed – be it Sharia law or traditional indigenous customs – all over-shadowed by a traditional Catholic majority.

Yet among the youth culture in Mindanao, as well as in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), there are small student groups and NGOs advocating for equal rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people. This all came up when talking to a young man while visiting a barangay in one of the Zones of Peace in Central Mindanao. After a long morning of discussion with community representatives, we had a chance to take a walk around the community. This young man was about nineteen or twenty, a Muslim and a LGU (Local Government Unit, or barangay government) employee. He walked with us cordially, openly telling us about his community – what it was like before, during the wars, and now how the level of trust and rapport has grown amongst Christians and Muslims.

On marriage: “Do you think you’ll get married? Would you marry someone in the community?”

“I’m sorry, Ma’am. I’m a homosexual.”

His reply was very matter of fact. He explained that the barangay captain (i.e. the community mayor) said it was all right as long as he didn’t hurt anyone. His candor was impressive for only spending a few hours with us, but extremely refreshing. Perhaps us being American, this conversation became possible. Or he was openly gay and accepted in his community. I admire his honesty and I seriously hope it is the latter.

Young people in Mindanao are facing so many challenges. There are serious and complex threats to community cohesion, from poverty to religious identity. The question remains how to protect the existing local culture’s peace from a top-down, legislated status quo (like the Bangsamoro Basic Law), even if it is in the name of the peace process. Will equal rights be sacrificed for political cohesion among different ideologies? There is concern for the Islamization the Bangsamoro and its effects on gender norms and social inequality. How can the BBL enact a Moro (Muslim and Indigenous) state of the autonomous region that can still be home to diverse communities?

Activists march for gay rights in Manila December 13, 2014 (Source: Jay Directo/AFP/Getty Images)

First, an empowered woman lifts up other women

Second, an empowered woman inspires other women

and mentors young women.

Third, an empowered woman never feels guilty.

Fourth, an empowered woman does not try to be

a superwoman.

Fifth, an empowered woman lives the truth of saying:

don’t agonize, organize!

Sixth, an empowered woman honors diversity.

Seventh, an empowered woman has the capacity

for intelligent rage.

Eighth, an empowered woman knows and claims

her rights, not just her obligations.

Ninth, an empowered woman claims power.

Tenth, an empowered woman says: no more waiting!

-Irene M. Santiago

            It was truly a privilege to meet the incredible activist, author, and peace negotiator Ms. Santiago and have the opportunity to hear about her work and mission advancing peace and women’s rights worldwide.

Read more about her work and the Global Campaign on Women, Peace and Security: Women Seriously!

Irene Santiago (center) at the Women Seriously! offices in Davao (Tylie, this way!)

Last week our group gave a presentation in the Irvine auditorium on campus at MIIS. We collaborated with students from Dr. Iyer’s Spring Break course to LA, and gave a combined presentation entitled “Violence Explained, Peace Explored.” I’m sure many others will share about this experience on this blog. With months of anticipation, I was nervous and excited to see how exactly eighteen people were going to report out about the complexities of conflict and peacebuilding in a two-hour event. No PowerPoint allowed. Instead we created an immersion ourselves. In the form of storytelling, role-plays, and quotes from the field we brought the audience of about 75 people in. The result was a powerful experience but the best part, in my opinion, was the Q&A afterward.

One of the most thought-provoking questions we had from the audience (and there were so many!) was to tactfully and essentially press our translation of this knowledge. For those who grew up in South Central, or Mindanao, violence is nothing new. The shock and sobering sentiments of outsiders who learn about the atrocities, the injustices, the lengths that people have suffered and endured, still remains an outsiders’. “I’m sick of your revelations.” The road to raising consciousness is tiring. Especially for those who grew up impacted by such severe degrees of structural and physical violence. The stories we heard are peoples’ daily pain and suffering, and there’s no way to describe the full experience of how they survive. Our motivation for authenticity led us to take the storytelling and theater route, so that people could hear the words verbatim. See the action of a mentally ill homeless woman being gunned down by police. Feel the school children’s kindling hatred exchanging anti-Christian and anti-Muslim taunts on the school playground. What is being done about this? What can we do now? How is this advanced through academia and the web of relationships and conversations at the Institute? Our questioner described this as “knowledge gentrification,” when stories from the streets are heard, synthesized and validated through institutions. The experience resonates no matter who witnesses. What is the true power of our testimony? Where do we go from here?

This may be what the movement feels like.

A few weeks ago I co-hosted a J-term sharing event on campus. We wanted to provide an opportunity and casual space for students to have lunch together and share about their experiences on immersive programs during J-term. It was sponsored by MIIS Student Council event and more than a month after our return, a good time to get together and decompress on J-term experiences. My co-host was Chris Callaghan, the first year MPA representative, and I, I am the second year IPS representative, hosted the event. We organized a lunch in the garden on a sunny Thursday. Around 15 people came representing all the Immersive Learning trips: El Salvador, Peru, Cuba, Rwanda and the Philippines. We sat around picnic blankets talking about our J-term travels.

Our Green Thumb Garden, March 5, 2015

We had chosen a few prompts beforehand to get the conversation going (What were the best moments of the trip? What was your ah-ha moment?), and from there we were off and running. It became clear that a major running theme of the research trips this year was: “This will not be the same as last year.” Peru Practicum research was particularly focused. While last year we charged the Sacred Valley with four data collection instruments and a topic that could fill 8 PhD dissertations, this year’s group focused on evaluating agricultural practices. The group who traveled to Cuba was much smaller and had more of a natural focus on history. It was an eye opening study on capitalism, and a political experiential learning experience to the max – “you just have to go,” they all said.

The El Salvador team not only partnered with local community organizers and EcoViva, they stayed with families in home-stays and returned with seriously impressive Spanish skills. The DPMI Rwanda group worked with Partners In Health, focusing on community health and development. For many, this was their first time in Africa.

The stories go on and on.

The travel bug was clearly a contagion among this group. The tone was positive and there was a feeling of relief in listening, reflecting and sharing stories. It’s amazing to think back on the expectations of graduate school and compare to the doors that have opened through MIIS to go abroad and engage with development practitioners. Clearly, a lunch hour was not enough time to delve deeply into the details of travels, recount personal conversations, or flout philosophical realizations. Hopefully there were new connections made, new motivations stirred, and a re-energizing into the wide array of research and reporting projects going on around campus.

On January 20, 2015, our final day in Davao, our group made a presentation to our host organization, Catholic Relief Services (CRS). After fifteen days in the field, visiting and talking with CRS partners and allies, we were excited to share our findings. It was a somewhat nerve wracking experience – we were not presenting anything new – however this final presentation would offer an analysis on key events and challenges to peacebuilding through our own perspective.

My individual research is focused on the land aspect of the conflict. Repeatedly we heard that the land is the most important root cause of the conflict. The land of Mindanao has an incredible wealth of biodiversity and natural resources, yet presents extreme paradoxes. The land yields incredible bounty, yet inequality, poverty and hunger persists. Throughout our fieldwork it became apparent that the richness of the land is one of the things that makes Mindanao so poor.

From my presentation:

In the past few weeks in the field, there was a striking difference between Central and Northern Mindanao, in the way of talking about causes of the conflict. In Central Mindanao, identity conflict took greater importance over the environment and planning for the future of precious resources. Land was named as the source of the conflict but the specifics of land use, entitlements, and tax structures were never mentioned in the peace process, only land ownership and ancestral domain were discussed.

It is clear that industrialized agriculture and intensive resource extraction is putting extreme pressure on local community livelihoods and food security. This presents unique and complex challenges, though without redress from local Development Plans. One story we heard about a community in the North, where landless farmers are producing high-value organic produce while still going hungry. The irony is that they had sold their land to outsiders and were now working as laborers on what used to be their own property.

Farmers rake out rice to dry

Young men take a break from harvesting sugar cane (Photo by Lauren Turich)

Politically, it seemed that mining was of minimal concern behind land and property conflict. Mining companies are clearly exploiting the chaos of the land conflict, and there are very few avenues for communities to engage with companies about impacts to livelihood and environmental protection. There is very little research being done to calculate the true environmental and social impacts of mining. In the process of conflict transformation, communities must go beyond settling neighborly or clan land disputes, but strategically combat encroachment of intensive extractive industries that seriously threaten their livelihoods.

My final questions from the Jan 20 presentation still linger.

So, if the challenges to the environmental, land and food security are truly going to be addressed in the peace process, we must ask ourselves: 

• How can local communities collectively make their own decisions about land use and resource management?
• And how can these decisions be respected and protected within political structures, like the Bangsamoro?