Blog Entry #2
1/7/15
I’m not sure whether to label this second post as “fatigued”, “overwhelmed” or “elated”. I mean those first two terms, in truly the best way. It’s our second day in Mindanao and just as Dr. Iyer promised we have become relatively comfortable with the subject matter on the ground, the acronyms and, as our host organization put it – we have begun to approach the beginning comprehension of a socio-economic and political conflict with “a religious flavor”. But, can we really take that at face value? Mindanao, an island of war, clan fighting, peace zones and the like – is a whole new world (forgive the cliches, I’m working on little sleep and a 14 hour day). Yet, at the same time – Mindanao is oddly familiar.
The group sits down before our meeting with a Muslim community within the A.R.M.M.
How do I explain this familiarity? It’s just a feeling, I suppose – something I need to follow up on as I continue through this trip. It began yesterday, our first day of stakeholder meetings and group interviews. We were lucky enough to gain access to a military base and meet with a joint-task force of high ranking Philippine military personnel. As we went through the awkwardly perfunctory pleasantries, andintroductions and then the nitty-gritty of the presentations – the conversation turned to the notion of reintegration of combatants and impunity. Then again, this conversation reemerged as we met with the Mindanao Development Agency.
Suddenly, I felt like I had lived this before – in a not so far away life. My three years in Uruguay came flooding back and with it it’s own history of conflict. Quick rundown – Uruguay’s military dictatorship held a referendum in 1980 in which the people voted to extend or annul the military’s proposed constitutional reform (extending their rule). The constitution was struck down, bringing in a period of 5 years and a relatively smooth transition into a democratically elected government. In the midst of all this, the notions of transitional justice and normalization were on the forefront of everyone’s mind. If the military officials were giving up their power, thanks to a successful democratic process, would they be processed for their crimes? Were the detainments of leftist individuals, the torture and disappearing of civilians going to be prosecuted? The answer was no, and the “Ley de imputabilidad” or the law of impunity was established as a prerequisite to a democratic transition. This law allowed for potential spoilers (military) to ruin the transition – but also perpetuated the injustices caused by many during the more than 20 years of the Uruguayan dictatorship. It left open wounds in the communities of Uruguay and systematically ignored the trauma felt by many families of the victims of these crimes.
Admittedly, the transition to a democracy and the building of peace are two different beasts – but they certainly are branches of the same peace-building and conflict-transforming tree. Here in Mindanao, with the introduction of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) – normalization and transitional justice is a pillar of the framework that is to be set into place. There are 10,000 to 15,000 MILF fighters in Mindanao – what will happen if this law is established and they are suddenly no longer ‘freedom-fighters’ (or call them what you will)?
Various stakeholders have told our group – local communities and NGOs alike – that the victims of martial law (civilians) that have been mistreated by the military (rape, torture, land grabs, harassment, etc.) will be able to “claim what is owed to them”. Yet, what does this mean? Additionally, MILF fighters will be reintegrated into the community and be placed under a general law of impunity – surrendering their guns to be considered “beyond use” upon the establishment of the BBL. Something for me – doesn’t compute. Will the military truly be placed under fire? A large part of me doubts that – and thinks that any type of trauma or social healing won’t stem from that type of justice *if so, what incentive might the military have in allowing the ceasefire to continue and bring a new era for the Moros in Mindanao.
I look at Uruguay – it has attained sustained peace in its transition. It has strong and transparent government institutions and more importantly it’s people are proud of their democratic tradition. Yet, the inability to prosecute the military still hangs over their head. Like in Mindanao, the dark years of the U.S. backed military doesn’t get taught in school – it is blotted from existence. Maybe someday, as the generations pass on – it will be? Or perhaps it will fester and manifest in other social and civil unrest.
Mindanao doesn’t have the same infrastructure, history (well, same Spanish colonial ties– yes), resources, transparency nor culture as this South American country – it is a completely different story. And I can’t help but wonder how this will actually play out if the BBL passes. Will it be the utopia that many people here hope it to be? Questions for me, turn into more questions – and so many things in my past seem to appear during these long group interview sessions and I’m basking in the opportunity to reflect on my own experience as I learn a mile-a-minute.