Ideologies about Visible Spanish use among Anglos and Hispanics in Monterey and Marina (Young and Old)
-a study of language ideology by Dean Buonomo
Before it became recognized as “the language capital of the world”, Monterey was once the capital of Alta California under Spanish and Mexican control, an historic small town belonging to merchant settlers who only spoke Spanish. After its annexation to the US following the Mexican-American War in the mid 1800s, Monterey and the surrounding area of California were transformed by a predominantly English speaking population. The underlying social shift that has taken place over the past 170 years has culminated in the socio-political centrality of the English language in California.
In this research project I aimed to analyze the relationship between the Spanish language and the Monterey area in an attempt to elucidate two sources of intrigue.
- the semiotic representation of the language in public areas as imposed by various authorities (restaurant owners, government officials, etc.), e.g. its “visual” representation, and
- the opinions of current inhabitants in and around the area regarding this “visual” representation.
I chose two methods of acquiring data, “vox populi” interviews of individual representatives from four distinct populations varying in age and ethnicity, and location and material observation (restaurants, historical sites, menus). The amount of information acquired by each data source varied greatly, with the vast majority of my insights derived from “vox populi” responses. Through collecting and analyzing this data, I sought to provide insights into the degree of Spanish representation in the area and the complexity of driving forces behind this degree of representation.
Oral interviews were conducted with participant consent using an Iphone audio recording device in two areas: Monterey and Marina with 18 participants from four population groups, older Anglos and younger Anglos, and older and younger Hispanics. The oldest “younger” Anglo was in his late twenties and the oldest “young” Hispanic was in her mid thirties. The youngest “older” Anglo was in his approximate mid-fifties and youngest “older” Hispanic was in his early forties. I determined the distinction between each category based on these approximate ages.
Hispanic Anglos
Older 4 3
Younger 5 6
All of these participants have resided in or around the Monterey Peninsula for at least a year. In order to account for participant bias, these interviews were conducted in both English and Spanish. I additionally enlisted the assistance of a native Spanish speaker to examine the potential impact of social identity and Spanish speaking in the process of this survey. The questions were posed to participants in three well-visited sections of Monterey, Fisherman’s Wharf, Alvarado Street and Cannery row, and 10 miles north of these locations outside a Walmart in Marina. The central questions posed to each individual or group of participants were,
“What is your heritage?” “Do you speak English/Spanish?” “Are you from the area?” “How well do you think the Spanish language is represented in Monterey/Marina?” and “Do you think there should be more of Spanish language representation in Monterey/Marina?”
Hispanic participants in the study were of first or second generation Mexican descent and varied in English and Spanish speaking proficiency. While some of the Hispanic participants were monolingual in Spanish, most were bilingual and even had English as their L1. All Anglos with whom I interviewed were monolingual in English as their L1 with the exception of one younger Anglo who claimed to have speaking proficiency in Spanish as well. These participants serve as a sample representation of a community that collectively influences how Spanish is visibly displayed in the area.
McGroarty points out in her analysis of language ideologies that “variation in awareness arises from differences in life experience. Language attitudes are shaped, articulated and consolidated in a variety of settings.” (McGroarty, 2010)
This “variation in awareness” was reflected by the variety of social commentary that characterized participant responses. Telling correlations of language ideologies exist both within and between participants of the populations surveyed, prompting investigation of corresponding social constructs that may apply. All young Anglos seemed to convey a high degree of worldliness and cultural sensitivity. Half of these young Anglos asserted that Spanish is underrepresented and deserves more representation as the second most widely spoken language within the area. The other 50% (3 people) of the young Anglo group expressed neutrality characterized by a lack of interest or strong opinions. Most of these respondents answered the question without evasiveness and stated their beliefs without empirical reference. In response to my question of how she feels the Spanish language is represented in the area, one twentysomething Anglo female confidently declared,
“ I don’t think English should be the only language enforced. If you’re going to represent one language, you should represent all of them…”
In a separate interview a twentysomething male Anglo echoed this sentiment, revealing a greater concern for the broader applicability of other languages declaring, “There’s a lot of languages here and not the only one that’s represented is Spanish.” This Young Anglo Saxon’s phrasing “not the only one” and defensive intonation suggested to me his belief that Spanish receives equatable representation with other languages and that perhaps, these other languages deserve greater public attention.
The reason for the consistency of positive responsiveness of Anglo respondents is open to interpretation. These participants may have had the “life experiences” (McGroarty) of greater exposure to international issues at a young age through convenient and unavoidable sources such as the internet and increased cultural diversity. Their language ideologies can be contrasted with their older Anglo counterparts who may not have had the same degree of education instructing their beliefs and may have many other “life experiences” contributing to a stronger emotional response. On the other hand, one may argue that since the older Anglos have “seen” and “experienced” the Spanish language across a longer period of time, there may be greater credibility to their impressions.
Local Anglos over the age of 40 were more likely to explicitly relate “life experiences” to broader social commentary about the “people” who speak the Spanish language in the area, as opposed to the representation of the language in the area. Chris, an Anglo male in his fifties who was born and raised in Marina and currently lives there with his family stood outside Walmart in Marina where his daughters sell cookies. In response to my question, Chris repositioned himself away from an Hispanic couple standing closeby. In a hushed tone Chris explained frankly,
“A lot of ‘Spanish’ people. They come here and drop off their kids for citizenship. They don’t care about ‘these’ people. While I cannot determine the referent of “these people” with absolute certainty, I interpreted “these people” to mean Anglos with more extensive ancestral legacy in the area. Chris continued. They should declare English as the national language. I don’t blame these people [Mexicans and other Latino immigrants] for crossing the border to better their lives. It’s just not right for them to take advantage of the system.”
While the experiential sources of Chris’s grievances are subject to speculation, his immediate inclination to discuss broader social issues related to the “people” who speak Spanish reveals the interrelationship between beliefs and the larger social and cultural systems within which these beliefs are rooted. This interconnectedness was illustrated by a female Anglo in her late sixties. At the end of Alvarado Street she sat on a bench beside 5 bags filled with miscellaneous possessions such as clothing and books, giving her the appearance of homelessness. In response to the central question of language representation she comments,
“It [views of Spanish in the area] is not something I think about. I mean…I don’t understand it but I have acquaintances and these people are really nice to me.”
This woman reflected on broader social integration over the past few decades prompted by diversification and globalization within the California area.
“It seems like back then (1970s and 80s) people didn’t mix as much. It seems like now people mix a lot more. My feeling is they’re not suspicious of you. They come up and they say…I have all this stuff (referring to the bags beside her) I have no idea how many times in the last year Hispanics have said “Can I help you?” A lot of people. They are very courteous… very nice, whereas when I first came there was more of a distance.”
This respondent’s ethnic ideology coincided with a degree of agreeableness demonstrated by younger Anglo participants’ language ideologies. Her ideology suggests she would be open to seeing a greater amount of Spanish representation in the area. Unlike the participants of this demographic, she illustrated her social beliefs with observations of social change and personal anecdotes.
Analysis of Latino participant response data revealed surprising discrepancy between the language ideologies of older and younger individuals interviewed in both English and Spanish. While younger Latinos expressed a concern for the lack of Spanish representation in the area, citing the social struggles of their first generation parents, older Latinos of the survey displayed a contrasting degree of complacency and agreeableness regarding Spanish representation in Monterey and Marina. At the end of the Fisherman’s Wharf I interviewed a man in his early to mid- forties. He leans against a wall ten feet from a sign indicating in Spanish and English when garbage may be disposed.
The only visible evidence of written Spanish along the Fisherman’s Wharf that could be detected is not written for commercial use but for purposes of alerting monolingual Hispanic people to rules pertaining to their work. Along the Fisherman’s Wharf, Spanish assumes an identity of “dirtiness”. These signs could arguably perpetuate negative associations and prejudices against Hispanics, a group that comprises 57% of the Monterey area population. (Retrieved 2/27/16 from http://www.city-data.com)
This man explained in English that he was first generation Mexican and was visiting from an area with a higher population density of Mexicans where he had lived and worked for the past twenty years. In response to my questionnaire, the man asserted his beliefs that Spanish does not need more visible representation in the area, and that its absence is to be expected.
“We’re in the USA. I don’t see any other way. When you’re invited into somebody else’s house you have to respect them. That’s just the way it is. When you’re in somebody else’s country you have to follow their rules. If I bring you to my house you would respect my rules.”
A similar degree of acceptance was expressed by a monolingual Hispanic couple outside a Walmart in Marina. In contrast to the degree of Spanish representation alone Fisherman’s Wharf and throughout Monterey, all aisle signs in the Walmart are written in English with smaller but equally legible Spanish translations. A large percentage of the shoppers I observed spoke in Spanish and appeared to be of Latino descent. According to city data the median income of Marina is close to $50,000, $10,000 below the state average. (Retrieved 2/27/16 from http://www.city-data.com) According to this same data source, the vast majority of those who contribute to this lower median income average are Hispanic or Latino.
The couple explains that they live in Salinas and only speak Spanish.The Latino man in his early forties conveys his acceptance of English as the prevalent language and that an increased representation of Spanish would be helpful, but not a necessary implementation. He explains the relative ease with which his family is able to function in California society and the seldomness of issues of miscommunication.
“It’s sad because we don’t speak English. (laughter) But it’s good. We don’t have any need to learn English so it’s good. Although most people speak English we haven’t struggled. The majority of people speak Spanish or are bilingual. And that’s the reason we don’t force ourselves to learn English or become bilingual. Even though it would be better to speak English.”
As previously mentioned, the majority of Latinos I had interviewed who represented the younger demographic elicited a stronger emotional response to the question of Spanish representation in the area. A group of three teenagers (two women and one man) of second generation Mexican descent offered three contrasting language ideologies in response to the question.
Man: “People get by with just Spanish.”
Woman 1: “I think when you come here and you try to learn to better yourself I figure…if you’re going to learn, you should learn English to better yourself.”
Woman 2: “I mean Americans can learn Spanish too.” (laughter)
The man in this conversation sample echoed the notion of “survivability” first posed by the monolingual Mexican man outside Walmart. This notion suggests that you can survive in predominantly English speaking communities without having to fully learn the English language. Many Hispanics can survive communicatively by learning basic sign meanings, further evidence for a continued lack of Spanish representation in the area. The sentiments of the young women in their late teenage years have likely been informed by distinct life experiences. While the first points to the usefulness of learning the English language for professional or social improvement, the second woman offers a subtle complaint at the perceived monolingualism of most Americans. That same Friday evening I interviewed a young woman in her early twenties working in an empty candy store along Alvarado street. In response to the question, “How do you think the Spanish language is represented around here?” she explained,
“Around here? Well, I guess not a lot of people speak Spanish. But there are a lot of tourists. And probably the whole time I’ve worked here, almost a year and a half, I’ve only met maybe 10 or 15 people that speak Spanish…Spanish should be enforced [semiotically] because there are some people that don’t speak English. I’ve met people that have come here or work around this area that don’t speak English and because of that they work in the kitchen and stuff.”
Several sociolinguistic insights can be gleaned from her response. Based on her assessment, there are far more English speaking Westerners shopping and dining within the touristy sections of Monterey including the Fisherman’s Wharf and Alvarado Street. The prices of menus and items are marked considerably higher to target wealthier consumers, a reality supported by this participant’s claim. This testimony helps to explain the lack of visible Spanish representation within these areas and highlights the social inequality that stems from the concept of linguistic assimilation. She notes the difficulty of monolingual speakers in acquiring more economically stable positions that require English speaking ability.
In addressing this concept as it pertains to educational issues within Ethiopia Moges Yigezu explains that “the ideology of assimilation asserts that cultural groups should give up their heritage cultures and adopt the dominant society’s way of life.” (Yigezu, 2010) While this discriminatory approach is often mirrored by constituent members of that dominant society who identify with the society’s ideological precepts, those members are not exclusively dismissive. The older male Anglo Saxon outside Walmart who exclaimed “If you come here you’ve got to learn ‘the language’… They should declare English as the national language.” also acknowledged the social right of Hispanic people to maintain their heritage culture.
Beside the bay along Cannery row is a yellow building with a large sign labeled “El Torito Mexican Restaurant”. Closer analysis of the restaurant revealed the many ways this restaurant serves as an ironic embodiment of the sociolinguistic disparity explored in previous sections. Every visible piece of writing inside the building is composed entirely in English, aside from the name of the restaurant, the names of Mexican meals on the menu (comprehensible by most non-Spanish speakers) and a sign for the bathrooms “Los baños” written in stylized blue font for thematic purposes. The sign is written below a frame within which is written “REAL Mexican TO-GO?”, displayed for similar thematic purposes. As soon as we enter the restaurant we are greeted by a Latina woman in her early thirties. She happily agrees to take the survey and in doing so, provides further insight into these initial impressions.
“I feel like they should have more people as bilingual, not as mandatory, but at least a couple people in that industry. Because I feel like it’s not fair. Because some people can’t get help or explain what they want because they don’t understand. Everything around. Everything is in English.” She confirms that the bathroom sign is “literally the only thing written in Spanish aside from what you see on the menu” and adds that “A lot of people [monolingual Hispanics] that do come here have to ask me for help” [in explaining the items written on the menu in English]
The language ideology of the young Latina employee of this restaurant mirrors the ideology of the Latina cashier at the candy shop on Alvarado. Both representatives of this population group cite the linguistic struggles of their first generation Mexican parents within the country and believe that more improvements in language education should be made to prevent these problems.
Mexicans that may visit this restaurant whose food and stylistic atmosphere is based entirely on their culture may not be able to place a simple order, though they may be able to find the bathroom. The absence of Spanish in a restaurant along Cannery Row that is entirely Mexican themed highlights the interconnectedness of logistical business decisions and the larger political atmosphere or “ideological sites” in which they are made. Where Mexicans are neglected as consumers, Mexican-ness is sold as a commodity. 
In discussing the role of signs in public spaces in a broader analysis of linguistic landscapes Jan Blommaert explains that “messages in the public area are never neutral, they always display connections to social structure, power and hierarchies. The reason for this is that public space itself is an area of regulation and control, surveillance and power.” (Blommaert 2013) The stigmatizing nature in which the Spanish language is visually present along the Fisherman’s Wharf and within “El Torito” Restaurant serves and reflects an imposing system of “regulation and control.”
In attempting to acquire sociolinguistic data about language ideology, I encountered a recurrent impulse of my respondents to address larger social implications related to Spanish language users. In reviewing my survey I recognize some of the retrospective changes I would make in a future survey in order to yield more linguistically oriented responses. By rephrasing the question of “How do you think the language is visually represented” into a more targeted inquiry such as “Would you want to see more/fewer Spanish signs?” How often do you see signs in Spanish?” and “Are the signs written in Spanish the ones Spanish speakers need?” I may have generated more useful participant data that more accurately portrays the language ideologies of Monterey and Marina.
I had hoped to reduce potential bias by conducting interviews in both English and Spanish with both a non-native Anglo interviewer and a native Latina speaker as acting interviewers. Few discrepancies in responses between these oral formats were detectable. In the interview conducted at Mexican restaurant, this participant shifted to English as a more comfortable communicative medium indicating several possibilities. 1. This participant’s L1 is English or 2. She simply felt more comfortable communicating in English given the topic and her perceived professional role as as an English speaking employee. In the one case where the participants only spoke Spanish, my presence as an Anglo may have influenced the thought processes of the middle aged Mexican couple outside the Walmart in Marina. Their considerably lighthearted responses may have manifested differently if my native Latina associate was the sole interviewer present. Additionally, the reverse effect may have occurred in interviews with Anglo representatives. An extensive list of confounding variables might include other effects such as the time of day of the interviews, the weather, the mood of the participants, underlying presumptions of my intentions, among countless other potential factors.
References
Hornberger, N. H., & McKay, S. (2010). Sociolinguistics and language education. Bristol: Multilingual Matters.
Marina, California. (2016.). Retrieved February 23, 2016, from http://www.city-data.com/city/Marina-California.html
Blommaert, J. (2013). Ethnography, superdiversity and linguistic landscapes: Chronicles of complexity
Yigezu, M. (2010). Language ideologies and challenges of multilingual education in Ethiopia: The case of Harari Region. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: Organisation for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa.