Urban Politics

Nick Bestor, Stefan Claypool, Peter Prial, and Julia Szabo.

With the third season of The Wire so deeply embroiled in the intrigue and mechanics of local Baltimore politics, a more thorough analysis of relevant information will hopefully provide viewers with the necessary context to more thoroughly understand and appreciate the series.  Most importantly, a viewer should understand the particular structure of Baltimore politics, as well as the history of the city’s government. This is especially true due to the fact that Tommy Carcetti is at least partially modeled on former Baltimore mayor and current Maryland Governor Martin O’Malley. Additionally, given the large role that corruption plays in the series, we have also provided an in-depth look at the ins-and-outs of political corruption and the role it has played in Baltimore. Finally, because government is not the only important element to understand in evaluating the political landscape, there is also a brief overview of a handful of other cultural institutions whose influence can be felt in Baltimore and The Wire. Hopefully, armed with the information provided here, you can approach The Wire with a more nuanced and informed perspective, allowing for a better understanding of the show’s cultural meaning.

The Structure of City Government

Every major city in the United States has its own form of government, its own division of powers, and its own relationship to state and federal governments.  Most city governments, however, share common characteristics, including a mayor’s office and a city council.  In the case of Baltimore, city government is a complex, multi-faceted entity with strong connections both to the statehouse and Washington.  Additionally, it has a history of propelling its members into higher office.

Although it has been a Democratic stronghold for over one hundred and fifty years, Baltimore lacks the machine structure that has often characterized many major city governments.  There is no equivalent of Cook County Democratic Organization, which to this day continues to dominate Chicago politics, nor of New York’s legendary Tammany Hall, which dominated city politics for a century and a half.  Instead, Baltimore’s power is distributed among a series of unconnected special interest groups, divided along racial, ethnic, and economic lines.  It is nonetheless impressive that Democrats have managed to hold power in Baltimore for so long without a formal machine.

According to the city’s charter current charter, Baltimore’s governing power is distributed among three elected branches – the city comptroller, the city council, and the mayor’s office.  Each of these three is elected by the people of Baltimore on “the Tuesday next after the first Monday” (Charter of Baltimore City Art. 3, sec 2) of each year.  Each of these branches has a different set of responsibilities and is entrusted with different powers under the city charter.

A Baltimore mayor must be over the age of twenty-five, a U.S. citizen, and a City resident.  According to the Baltimore City Charter, the mayor “shall have all the powers of a conservator of the peace,” and may at any time call upon “any officer of the City entrusted with the receipt or expenditure of public money for a statement of account.” (Charter of Baltimore City Art. 4, sec 4).  He or she must also report to the City Council at the end of each fiscal year the state of the City’s financial affairs.  Additionally, it is the mayor’s responsibility to see that ordinances and resolutions are executed.  He has “general supervision over all municipal officers and agencies.” (Art. 4, sec 4.)  The mayor is also authorized to make all municipal appointments, and to remove any municipal officer not specified in the City Charter from his or her position for any reason.  The office of the mayor wields considerable power in Baltimore, and has propelled three individuals into the Governor’s office in the last three decades, including Theodore McKeldin, William Schaefer, and current Governor Martin O’Malley.

The fourteen members of the single-chambered Baltimore City Council are elected by citizens every four years to represent districts of roughly the same proportions of the population.  In 2002, a grassroots organization organized a vote on a referendum called Question P, a major restructuring of the council.  Although opposed by Mayor O’Malley and the majority of council members, the ACORN-backed effort succeeded in reducing the council’s membership by four to the current fourteen (Wikipedia). The Council has the power to pass all ordinances and resolutions in the city by majority vote. (Art. 3 sec 14)  The Council operates a variety of different committee, creating them by charter or ordinance.  These committees include the Board of Finance, the Civil Service Commission, and of particular relevance to The Wire’s third season, the Board of Municipal and Zoning Appeals, among others.

The third major element of the City Government is the comptroller, who serves on the Board of Estimates, the Board of Finance, and supervise the Department of Audits and Real Estate.  The comptroller is elected by the citizens of Baltimore every four years, and can be removed from office by the City Council.  The comptroller is primarily responsible for the City’s finances, including insurance.
Because of its status as an independent city, with no county affiliation, Baltimore itself is represented in the Maryland General Assembly.  The Baltimore City Delegation consists of eighteen delegates from districts in the city whose first priority is to obtain funds for the city.  Prior to 1969, Baltimore was considered underrepresented, but following the reapportionment decision in the  1962 Supreme Court case Baker v. Carr, the city was able to substantially increase its representation (US Supreme Court Center).  Baltimore now wields substantial power over the legislature.  Additionally, the state of Maryland operates several boards and organizations within Baltimore under its own authority.

Likewise, Baltimore has a not insubstantial, albeit unofficial, influence over Maryland’s federal business.  Three of the eight congressional districts in Maryland include portions of Baltimore, and both of the state’s Senators hail from the city.  Barbara Mikulski hails from East Baltimore, and is the longest-serving active woman in the Senate.  She began her career on the Baltimore City Council.  Senator Ben Cardin was also born in Baltimore, and served as a member of the Maryland House of Delegates as part of the Baltimore delegation.  He also served in the U.S. House of Representatives before being elected to the Senate.  Mikulski in particular is noted for her ability to obtain earmarks for the city, bringing almost $19 million to Baltimore in 2008 alone (Legistorm).

On a state, federal, and local level, Baltimore’s government exerts a considerable influence.  However, just as it has propelled many politicians to great success, it has also proven itself a cesspool of corruption.

Political Corruption

The existence of political corruption is not a new concept on The Wire but season three focuses more intensely on the roots of this corruption in political bureaucracy, urban development and political campaigns.

Political corruption exists in many forms and its definition is constantly argued over by academics but in its essence this form of corruption is the use of governmental powers by public officials for illegitimate personal gain. [1] Public officials have access to state goods- jobs, tax breaks, zoning papers, city contracts, grants, etc- and are granted status, influence, and decision making power as a result of their position. These things can be used to gain personal, fiscal, or political benefits. Corruption and abuse of office by public officials have many manifestations. Political scientists Joseph S. Nye and Kenneth Gibbons give examples such as bribery, graft, patronage, nepotism, cronyism, misappropriation, undisclosed legislative conflicts of interest, awarding government contracts to friends or supporters, lying to the media or public, and many forms of campaign finance. [2] All of these behaviors are unethical if not outright illegal and many are depicted on the show.

Development is particularly relevant in Baltimore and The Wire as much of the city is in the process of redevelopment. Local politicians have sway with the zoning board (Municipal and Zoning Appeals) that grants approval for developments and often oversee city development contracts, block grants and tax breaks. This position makes them particularly attractive allies for groups seeking to develop like Stringer Bell or the Stevedore union. Lobbying and campaign contributions are legal to a point and can serve as subtle forms of bribery- contributions like these exemplify the corrupting influence that money has on decision making.

The Wire is full of examples of political corruption, most notably from State Senator Clay Davis and Mayor Clarence Royce, but we need not look far beyond the television screen to get real examples of political corruption. In fact, Davis Simon has said that the character of Clay Davis is inspired by three real Maryland State Senators. Wire fans have suggested that former Maryland State Senator Larry Young is one of these inspirations. Hailing from Baltimore, the Senator was accused of soliciting payment and accepting gifts, including a nearly $25,000 car, from businesses that came before the subcommittee that he chaired. Though Young was acquitted of corruption charges much like Clay Davis but he was forced out of office on ethics charges in January 1998. He does however remain an active public figure in the Baltimore community as the radio host of the Larry Young Morning Show on WOLB. In fact, Young appears as himself in season five episode five in when he interviews Clay Davis on the radio. [3]

Political corruption has a long and consistent history in Baltimore and is currently embroiling City Hall. Perhaps the most famous of corrupt Baltimorean politician is former Vice President Spiro Agnew. Agnew was forced to resign from the Vice Presidency in 1973 for demanding bribes from construction companies and falsifying federal tax returns while Baltimore County Executive (1962-66) and Governor of Maryland (1966-69). [4] Agnew had the attitude of many politicians and “in conversations with his lawyer, Agnew remained indignant, saying politicians had been accepting payoffs ‘for a thousand years.’” [5] Payoffs have indeed continued on to the present day. In January of this year a federal investigation into corruption at Baltimore City Hall led to the indictments of the city’s mayor Sheila Dixon, councilwomen Helen Holton, and Dixon’s former boyfriend prominent developer Ronald Lipscomb.

Dixon, the first woman to be mayor of Baltimore, was indicted on twelve corruption related counts including perjury, theft, misconduct, and misappropriation of gift cards for the poor. These charges could potentially result in 85 years in prison. Dixon was elected to the City Council in 1987 from the fourth district, became the first African American City Council President in 1999, and took over the mayoral office when Martin O’Malley became governor in January 2007. She handily won reelection in the 2007 mayoral race with nearly 88% of the vote. In the world of The Wire the crafty and career oriented city council president Nerese Campbell is very clearly based on Dixon. This parallel is particularly interesting considering Dixon’s indictment and previous run-ins with corruption charges as Campbell is linked to corruption in the first episode of season five when the Sun breaks the story about a favorable property trade with a drug dealer that donating heavily to her campaign committee. Though Dixon has had previous suspicious activity she is charged with accepting at least $15,348 in gifts from Lipscomb- her boyfriend at the time- while City Council President in late 2003, early 2004. The two went on lavish trips and Lipscomb funded shopping sprees with money laundered through city employees. [6] She used her position and power to give tax breaks and state contracts to Lipscomb’s company Doracon Contracting- which was involved in high-profile developments approved by the city like the “development of Harbor East and… the revitalization in East Baltimore near Johns Hopkins Hospital”. [7] She is specifically accused of using $3,400 in gift cards that were bought and donated by Lipscomb and developer Patrick Turner for distribution to needy families. She used these gift cards to fund a personal shopping spree for electronics and to purchase other goods for herself and her staff. [8] None of these gifts or relationships were reported, as is required by law.

Lipscomb faces charges in a separate bribery scheme in connection to Councilwoman Helen Holton, the two face bribery and perjury charges. Lipscomb paid for a $12,500 political survey for Holton (who was running for reelection) in the spring of 2007 while “Doracon was seeking tax incentives for the Harbor East projects from a City Council committee that Holton chaired”. [9]

All deny wrongdoing and are painting themselves as victims of partisan and personally motivated investigations by the Republican State Prosecutor Robert Rohrbaugh. The unlikeable and partisan Republican US Attorney that Carcetti argues with in season five is likely based on Rohrbaugh. Dixon claims to be “floored” by the allegations and has vowed that she will “survive this”. While some have called for Dixon to step down others are underwhelmed by what the investigation has uncovered considering the extended length and cost of the investigation- spanning three years and nine Baltimore grand juries. They view these charges as minor particularly in the context of corruption like that of Illinois Governor Rod Blagojevich- who outright tried to sell Barack Obama’s Senate seat. Dixon continues on as mayor and will not be officially tried until September.

Baltimore Suns continuing coverage of the City Hall Corruption Probe- http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/local/bal-councilprobe,0,7178106.storygallery

A similarly large scale investigation brought down State Senator Thomas Bromwell in the early 2000’s. Bromwell was elected to the legislature in 1979 when he was just 29 years old and over time became one of its most powerful members as Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee. The FBI began monitoring the Senator’s phone calls beginning in 2001 under suspicion of racketeering and the senator resigned from the legislature in 2002. This wire resulted in some very vulgar, offensive and incriminating tapes peppered with racial and sexist epithets. [10] While in office Bromwell steered telecommunications legislation to benefit donors and used his office to give state contracts and benefits to Pool and Kent Corporation (P&K) including contested projects like the Juvenile Justice Center and University of Maryland buildings. [11] In exchange for these contracts Bromwell received construction work at his home and payments through a fake company and a fake job for his wife Mary Bromwell that came with a $200,000 salary. [12]

Bromwell and his wife eventually reached an agreement with the state prosecutors and on November 16,, 2007 Bromwell received seven years in prison for “racketeering conspiracy and filing a false tax return” and his wife was sentenced to one year and a day in prison for mail fraud. [13] This scandal gave new momentum to the calls for campaign finance reform such as Clean Elections legislation in Maryland as it exemplifies the connection between moneyed corporate interests and the legislature.

Reform for Political Corruption

This season’s focus on reform has not extended to reforms specific to the problems of political corruption. Typical of The Wire the show has made it clear how pervasive political corruption is within government bureaucracy but has not engaged in how this problem might be solved.  Political corruption has existed since the beginning of government and while the growth of civil society and increased demands for transparency has made corruption less acceptable and easier to monitor it has not solved the problem. Increased transparency, increased salaries, and campaign finance reform that include public financing systems are all prominent solutions and reform movements to combat political corruption.

Transparency seeks to make, as the word suggests, government action more transparent, open and available to the public. Open Meeting legislation and Freedom of Information legislation are crucial components in the creation of transparency as they ensure that government records and government action are open and available to the public. This legislation exists on a federal level in the form of the Freedom of Information Act, signed in July 1967, and its subsequent amendments. All states have passed similar legislation that applies to state governmental agencies but the scope of action varies widely amongst states. Maryland has an Open Meetings Law and an Open Records Law that serve this purpose. [1] Transparency forces politicians to be accountable for their actions and votes and makes open corruption more easily detectable. It also shifts the burden of monitoring from internal government agencies themselves to civil society and NGO watchdog groups like Common Cause Maryland who track legislative action. Active civil society empowered by open records pair with the monitoring of traditional law enforcement- like the FBI- to combat political corruption.

A somewhat obvious and common solution to political corruption is to raise the salaries of public officials.  Increasing their legal incomes makes corruption less necessary just as transparency disincentivizes corruption by making it more likely you will be caught. The State of Maryland and the City of Baltimore have worked to raise salaries over the past couple of years. Members of the State Legislature earned a salary of $43,500 in 2008 for their 90 days in session- a huge jump when compared to the $31,591 received in 2002. Members of the Baltimore City Council received a $9,000 pay raise in 2007 making their annual salary $57,000 while the Council president’s salary increased $18,000 to $98,000 in 2007 and to $100,450 in 2009. [2] Mayoral salary increased $23,000 to $148,000 in 2007 and to $151,700 in 2009.

Campaign finance reform is a complicated and controversial arena that has become increasingly emphasized as a crucial step to making politicians beholden to voters not big donors. As is made clear on The Wire campaigns are a realm in which corruption is an enormous issue because so much money is needed to win. The many phone calls that Carcetti made during his mayoral bid point to the importance of money in being competitive as does the way in which Clay Davis defends his corruption when it is challenged.  When meeting with Daniels and Burrell in season one Davis refuses to admit any wrongdoing and defends his right to raise money for campaigns- exclaiming “You think we know anything about the people who give money or give a damn about who they are or what they want? We just cash the damn checks, count the votes, and move on.” Campaign coffers can also be used for private expenses or to hide bribes- Davis’s “gravy” from the “reelection war chest” in episode eight of season three makes this clear.

Regulation of campaign finance is most talked about at the federal level as these campaigns are the most expensive but these reforms are equally crucial at state and municipal levels. Campaign finance regulations for non-national candidates are determined by state legislation and there is an enormous variation in the degrees of regulation that states have pursued. One of the most extensive and common public financing schemes are Clean Elections laws. These laws are generally adopted via ballot initiative and are in effect in Arizona, Maine, New Mexico and Connecticut and the municipalities of Portland, Oregon and Albuquerque, New Mexico. They institute a public financing system in which candidates may opt into receiving public funding, thus refusing contributions from private sources, after collecting signatures and small $5 donations. [3] The lump sum given to each candidate may be supplemented (to a limit) by additional funding when the candidate is outspent by a privately financed campaign or attacked by independent expenditures like 527’s. There are legal limits to what States can do to regulate. For example, rigorous Vermont standards were struck down as unconstitutional in Randall v. Sorrell (2006) because they included mandatory spending limits and “unconstitutionally low” contribution limits. [4] Campaign finance regulations are frequently challenged on first amendment grounds that equate money with speech- both in expenditure and donation. In Buckley v. Valeo (1976) the Supreme Court struck down expenditure limits as unconstitutional but upheld contribution limits, arguing that contributions were more closely connected to corruption and less related to speech than personal expenditure, this distinction has been maintained. [5]

Other big cities have different versions of public financing in place for municipal races.  Los Angeles, New York, Chapel Hill, NC, Philadelphia, Sacramento, New Haven, CT all have public funding that candidates can opt into and Seattle is moving towards this. [6] While Baltimore lacks progressive public financing programs it does require disclosure of donor information, contributions, and expenditures and abides by the statewide limits on contributions. These reports are available on the Maryland State Board off Elections website’s campaign financing database- http://www.elections.state.md.us/campaign_finance_database/index.html – but their accuracy is questionable. Finance reports can be “amended” and contribution limits can be bent, as Carcetti does when he asks his donors to make matching donations in the names of their wives and kids. It is clear that a more aggressive campaign finance program is needed.

At the state level Maryland has had public campaign financing for gubernatorial races since 1974, but only one major party candidate has ever opted into it and that happened in 1994. [7] In the 2008 legislative session a Clean Elections bill was introduced in the legislature but it was not adopted. A similar bill was approved in the House of Delegates in 2007 but did not reach the Senate. This reform had support within the population and other powerful institutions. The Citizens for Election Reform reported that an “October 2007 poll showed that 72% of Marylanders support this reform, as do the Washington Post, Baltimore Sun, NAACP, AFL-CIO, Common Cause, League of Women Voters, Sierra Club, and many other groups.” [8] In the current legislative session Senate President Thomas V. Mike Miller Jr. has championed campaign finance legislation that would increase contribution limits and create “a pilot program for public financing of legislative campaigns.” [9] After a huge number of amendments effectively neutralized the bill it was sent to committee where it may remain until the session ends. [10]
This experience in the Maryland state legislature with campaign finance legislation demonstrates the larger problem of trying to combat political corruption through legislative action. Public officials were elected in the current system and thus have very little incentive to change it. Reforms like transparency and public campaign financing are important steps in holding politicians accountable for their actions and accountable to their constituents, not big donors.

Martin O’Malley/Thomas Carcetti

One of the major players in the political realm of The Wire is Thomas Carcetti, a city councilman in Baltimore.  He is the Chairman of the Council Subcommittee for Public Safety, and attempts to gain more influence in the police department through meetings with Commissioner Burrell.  Carcetti helps Burrell gain funding for necessary programs, resulting in his increased influence.  As we have seen so far in season three, he is also preparing a campaign to become Mayor of Baltimore, a position held in the show by Clarence Royce.  Carcetti is in many ways reminiscent of Martin O’Malley, the current governor of Maryland and former Baltimore mayor.  Both men started their political careers on the city council, and were both elected mayor of the predominantly black city of Baltimore, despite being white.  David Simon, the creator of The Wire, has said that while Carcetti is not O’Malley, the current governor was a large inspiration for the character.

Martin O’Malley began his political career in 1991, being elected to the Baltimore City Council out of the third district.  His tenure on the city council lasted from 1991 until 1999, when he ran for mayor of Baltimore and was elected with an overwhelming majority.  During his eight year tenure on the council, O’Malley was in charge of two committees; the Legislative Investigations Committee and the Taxation and Finance Committee.

During his second term as city councilman, O’Malley decided to make a run for mayor, much like Tommy Carcetti is doing.  Tommy’s campaign to become mayor becomes a larger part of season four of The Wire, and his plan comes much more into the open.  O’Malley’s campaign was predominantly headlined by a desire to improve public safety in the city, which we have already seen Carcetti doing in his relations with Commissioner Burrell.  O’Malley promised to get the number of murders per year down to 175 during his term in office, and while the murder rate has remained high, other innovations have helped reduce crime.   In The Wire, Tommy Carcetti uses the tactical ploy of convincing his friend Tony Gray to run for mayor, therefore splitting the African American vote in the democratic primary.  In real life, O’Malley also dealt with two African American challengers in the democratic primary, helping him to receive over 50% of the vote and win the primary, propelling his victory in the election.

As the democratic candidate for mayor in a largely democratic city, O’Malley received over 90% of the vote. He also became the city’s first white mayor since 1986, a notable achievement in a predominantly African American city (nearly 65% of city residents are African American, as compared to 32% white).   His time as mayor was marked with successes, particularly in the realm of crime prevention.  O’Malley implemented the use of CitiStat, first for the police force and later for other Baltimore government services, to track targets and results electronically (something which has been seen in the police force on The Wire).   This technology saved the city millions of dollars during O’Malley’s tenure as mayor and continues to save the city today.  O’Malley also created a budget surplus by the time he left Baltimore, even allowing for a 75 million dollar tax cut.   Violent crime in the city also declined during O’Malley’s time in office.  In 2000, 16,003 violent crimes were committed in the city.  By 2003, the number had dropped to 13,789.   While there have been accusations about the underreporting of crime in Baltimore (also seen in The Wire), the Washington Post found that there had been no manipulation of the statistics.

During his time as mayor, O’Malley received many accolades and recognition.  For example, Esquire named him “The Best Young Mayor in the Country” in 2002, and Time named him one of America’s “Top 5 Big City Mayors.”   He became one of the Democratic Party’s leaders on homeland security, even giving a featured speech at the Democratic National Convention in Boston in 2004.   Coming from a port city, he emphasized rail and port security, saying the Bush administration had left many parts of America needlessly vulnerable following the September 11th attacks.

Martin O’Malley, while in office as mayor, ran in the election for governor of Maryland. He was elected to the position on November 7, 2006.   In the election, he defeated the incumbent governor, Robert Ehrlich, by 6.5% in the popular vote, and was sworn in as governor on January 17, 2007.  During his two plus years as governor, O’Malley has enacted many reforms and legislations.  He increased taxes, and while hoping to keep taxes down for working class families, was unable to do so after the state senate changed his proposal.   He also closed the prison in Jessup, which had become notoriously violent in the years before O’Malley came to power.   The introduction of slot machines into Maryland was also passed under his tenure, in hopes that the machines would create more revenue for the government.

Alternative Sources of Power

Although politicians have easily the biggest role to play in Baltimore politics, it is important to remember that there are other players to consider.  We have already seen this at several points in The Wire. For example, Season Two spent a fair amount of time examining the (diminishing) part unions play in politics. Particularly in earlier decades when the unions still represented a powerful force within the city, their lobbyists had a sizable impact on the political landscape of the city. Similarly, Season Three has begun to show the role that building and construction interests have in the mechanics of governance. Much of their influence is seen in the shadier corners of politics, using bribes and kickbacks to maintain their contracts, but as we have seen in Stringer’s recent attempts to break into the construction sector, political connections are vital.

It would be a mistake, however, to assume that any politically powerful non-politicians must use bribery and corruption to have a noticeable effect in Baltimore. In fact, one of the most politically influential positions in the city is religious in nature: in one scene earlier in the season, Mayor Kearns and his aids are weighing a difficult decision and pondering the political fallout, not from their supporters or constituents, but from the ministers. With its large population of African Americans, Baltimore has a sizable number of important and influential black churches,  and the heads of these churches are frequently powerful pillars of the community.

In The Wire, we have recently begun to see the Deacon take a central role in improving the hellish conditions in Hamsterdam, and this is one of the most important ways that Baltimore’s religious leadership has taken an active role in bettering Baltimore. One example of such an endeavor is BUILD (Baltimoreans United in Leadership Development),  a coalition of black church ministers, including the civil rights leader Reverend Vernon N. Dobson, and Jewish philanthropists, who have raised millions of dollars to help rebuild East Baltimore.

Other cultural institutions also have their roles to play. One unlikely power-player in Baltimore politics is Peter G. Angelos, the owner of the Baltimore Orioles. A trial lawyer, Angelos had a career in politics, holding a seat on the City Council from 1959 to 1963 and having an unsuccessful run for the Mayor’s office in 1964, before buying the Orioles in 1993. In recent years, Angelos has had an ongoing grudge with Governor O’Malley: O’Malley was involved in the move of the Montreal Expos to Washington, which threatened the Orioles fanbase. As a result, Angelos was a noted supported of O’Malley’s opponent in the race for Governor, then-incumbent Robert Ehrlich.

Sources:

• http://www.legistorm.com/earmarks/details/member/71/Sen_Barbara_Mikulski/page/12/sort/amount/type/desc.html
• http://cityservices.baltimorecity.gov/charterandcodes/
• http://www.ci.baltimore.md.us/government/acts/
• http://supreme.justia.com/us/369/186/case.html
• http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Question_P
• POLITICAL CORRUPION1. Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Political Corruption http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_corruption2. John Gardiner, “Defining Corruption.” Ch. 3 (pp. 25-40) in Arnold J. Heidenheimer and Michael Johnston, eds., Political Corruption: Concepts and Contexts. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2007. pg. 26-27.3. “Hot off ‘The Wire’” by Salon.com Staff. 2/18/2008. http://www.salon.com/ent/tv/feature/2008/02/18/wire_wrap_6/index.html

  4. Richard M. Cohe and Jules Witcover. A heartbeat way; the investigation and resignation of Vice President Spiro T. Agew. New York: Viking Press, 1974.

  5. Samantha Henig, “And You Thought Blago Was Blatantly Corrupt?” Newsweek. Vol. 152, No. 25, pg. 10. 12/22/2008

  6. Ben Nuckols, ”Baltimore mayor indicted on theft, perjury charges,” The Associated Press. 1/9/2009 http://www3.signonsandiego.com/stories/2009/jan/09/baltimore-mayor-probe-010909/?zIndex=34494

  7. John Fritze and Doug Donovan. “Dixon gifts probed: Prosecutors look at mayor’s ties to developer that got city breaks.” 6/24/2008
  http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/local/baltimore_city/bal-te.md.ci.dixon24jun24,0,7363358.story.

  8. Ben Nuckols. “Sheila Dixon: Indicted for Using Money for the Poor on a Personal Shopping Spree.” Huffington Post, 1/9/2009.  http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/01/09/baltimore-mayor-sheila-di_n_156687.html

  9. Scott Dance. “Councilwoman Holton, Doracon’s Lipscomb indicted on corruption charges.” Baltimore Business Journal. 1/7/2009. http://www.bizjournals.com/baltimore/stories/2009/01/05/daily43.html

  10. Some examples from the Bromwell tapes- http://www.examiner.com/a-632582~FBI_tapes_show_a_defiant_Bromwell.html

  11. Lisa Rein. “Bromwell to Plead Guilty to U.S. Charges,” The Washington Post 7/21/2007. pg. B02. Lexis Nexis

  12. Alex Cruden. “Former Maryland Senator Thomas Bromwell Sentenced.” Associated Content. 11/17/2007 http://www.associatedcontent.com/article/451286/former_maryland_senator_thomas_bromwell.html?cat=47

  13. “Former State Senator Thomas Bromwell Sentenced to 7 Years on Charges of Racketeering, Conspiracy, and Filing a False Tax Return.” State Press Release.
  http://www.usdoj.gov/usao/md/Public-Affairs/press_releases/press07/FormerStateSenatorThomasBromwellSentencedto7YearsonChargesofRacketeeringConspiracy.html

  REFORM

  1. National Freedom of Information Coalition, Maryland Resources  http://www.nfoic.org/maryland

  2. Oz Bengur. “Baltimore City Council Pay Raise-Time for Electoral Reform?” citybizlist Blog 3/27/2007. http://www.citybizlist.com/blog/bengur/2007/03/baltimore-city-council-pay-raise-time.html

  3. Campaign Finance: Clean Election Law  http://www.newrules.org/gov/clean.html

  4. Randall v. Sorrell (2006) http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/04-1528.ZS.html

  5. Hoover Institute Public Policy Inquiry, Campaign Finance Supreme Court Cases http://www.campaignfinancesite.org/court/buckley1.html

  6. Clean Money Clean Elections Public Campaign, Municipal Public Financing http://www.publicampaign.org/blog-tags/municipal-public-financing

  7. Public Financing in the States, Common Cause: Holding Power Accountable http://www.commoncause.org/site/pp.asp?c=dkLNK1MQIwG&b=4773825

  8. Citizens For Election Reform, Campaign Finance Reform State by State http://www.cfer.us/pageView.asp?PageID=32

  9. “Public Financing Included in Miller-Backed Bill” The Washington Post. March 6, 2009, pg. B05

  10. Erich Wagner. “Lawmakers cloud fate of public finance reform.” Capital News Service. 3/26/2007 http://www.hometownannapolis.com/news/gov/2009/03/26-03/Lawmakers-cloud-fate-of-public-campaign-finance-reform.html

• http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Baltimore#Government
• http://campusprogress.org/features/1273/five-minutes-with-david-simon
• http://baltimore.about.com/od/onlyinbaltimore/p/omalleybio.htm
• http://elections.state.md.us/elections/baltimore/1999.html
• http://www.governing.com/archive/2001/apr/omalley.txt
• http://www.martinomalley.com/aboutOMalley/
• http://mediamatters.org/items/200407010002
• http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/03/02/AR2006030201812.html
• http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1050272,00.html
• http://omalley.bluestatedigital.com/about/121/about3-achievements
• http://www.elections.state.md.us/elections/2006/results/general/office_Governor__Lt_Governor.html
• http://www.examiner.com/a-1035958~O_Malley__Most_will_pay_more.html
• http://www.herald-mail.com/?module=displaystory&story_id=161292&format=html
• http://www.baltimore.org/africanamerican/religious_venues.htm
• http://www.buildiaf.org/
• http://www.lexisnexis.com/us/lnacademic/results/docview/docview.do?docLinkInd=true&risb=21_T6196878919&format=GNBFI&sort=RELEVANCE&startDocNo=1&resultsUrlKey=29_T6196878927&cisb=22_T6196878924&treeMax=true&treeWidth=0&csi=6742&docNo=1
• http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Angelos